From Cape Tiburon to Cape Samaná - A United Hispaniola Timeline

1. Background, Saint-Domingue Before the Revolution
From Cape Tiburon to Cape Samaná - A United Hispaniola Timeline


Foreword



From a young age, the story of Haiti fascinated me, a republic of slaves who broke the shackles of the French Empire, and seized their freedom. Unfortunately, such idyllic romanticized scenarios of a republic of freedmen seemed doomed upon birth. From the bloody massacres of white settlers, to the disastrous rule of Jean-Pierre Boyer, Haiti’s economy fueled by the sin of slavery, seemed unable to be purified, and combined with international isolation, and the crippling debt imposed by a French gunboat, Haiti fell apart. After numerous civil wars, a divided kingdom, two empires, and numerous republics, Haiti today is scarcely what we would describe as a successful nation. Amid headlines of assassinated presidents, Kenyan resolutions to deploy police, and stories of gangs dominating a country whose last elected legislators resigned months ago, we are left with a puzzling question. Could Haiti have gone better? Was the dream of a nation of men freed from the bondage of slavery, always doomed to fail? This timeline will endeavor to answer this question.

Haiti is, however; not alone on the island of Hispainola. The Dominican Republic too, was originally conjoined to the Haitian Republic, dreaming of a freed republic. This false hope too was beaten down by a combination of cruelty, debt, and discrimination. Reborn from the collapsing Haitian state, the Dominican Republic, and Haiti remained rivals, with war, massacres, and occupations sparking between them. The hope of a united Hispaniola, buried under centuries of racial animus, and power grabs. I would like to put forward a special thank you to @LuckyLuciano whose answer to a thread post I saw honestly laid a lot of groundwork, and early history.

The timeline I present is not one that will be without struggle, without hate, or without greed. All of these are endemic to humanity, and I could not in good conscience remove them from a story of mine. Instead I merely present a better ending to the Haitian story, than we have currently. The story, which I will tell from the POV of a historian in this alternate modern day Haiti, will cover the pre-revolution background, up to modern day.This is From Cape Tiburon to Cape Samaná - A United Hispaniola Timeline.


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Background - Saint-Domingue Before the Revolution

As is commonly known, prior to Haiti’s revolution, it was a typical state in comparison to other Caribbean colonies. Dependent largely upon Europe’s seemingly insatiable lust for sugar, the development of the colony of Saint-Domingue was based upon massive labor intensive plantations. While cocoa, coffee, and indigo were all cultivated, sugar remained the foundation and mainstay of the colony of Saint-Domingue.

The sheer size and scope of the sugar economy can scarcely be perceived by us here in the modern day. 600 ships per year moved from Saint-Domingue to France, more than 1 million frenchmen directly depended upon the colony for their livelihoods. The colony was the richest French colony in the world, and for much of its history one of the richest European colonies in the world.

It should be noted; however, this opulent wealth was built upon some of the most grueling slave labor seen in our modern history. Malaria, and yellow fever thriving in the tropical climates, and barebone conditions most slaves found themselves in, ravaged the population. It is said throughout the 1780’s, the French brought 20-30,000 African slaves to the island. With population mortality rates of 50%, slave women often married multiple men, as it was far more likely they’d lose a husband, or multiple. These grim conditions were made worse by the abuses of the slave owning class, who squeezed every ounce of value from their slaves, preferring to work them to death, than provide any accommodations. In the slave owners view, they were as good as dead anyway.

Since 1795, the island of Hispaniola had been entirely unified under French rule, bringing an end to centuries of conflict, and scheming over control of the island. However, with the advent of slave rebellions and general instability since 1791, France had little time to enjoy their prize.



A Society in Full Breakdown


Saint-Domingue’s population was rigidly stratified based upon wealth, and race. There were in 1789, 40,000 whites, 28,000 freed blacks, and mixed race people of color, and 452,000 slaves. This population, while being wildly unbalanced, and unfair, had numerous social classes, the concentrated wealth into a vanishingly small number of elites.

At the bottom of the caste system, were the black slaves. Outnumbering every other class by as much as 10 to 1, the black and mixed enslaved class, was considered the blood the greased the wheels of French colonialism, and the French colonial economy. Expendable, numerous, and without any rights, life in Saint-Domingue was hell on earth for the enslaved class.

Just slightly above the enslaved african class, were mixed race slaves. Often having a father who was of the slaveholding class, or the various slave overseers, the mixed slaves were often born of violence, and pushed into a violent world. While facing the same grim conditions, and life expectancy as African slaves, their proximity, and familial ties to the slave owners, and overseers, meant that occasionally they would be freed, or face some kinder treatment, in a horrific twisted form.

Escaped slaves were the most hated group by the French. Known as maroons or marrons in French, escaped slaves were those who had managed to free themselves, and run away from slave plantations. They would hide in the mountains of Saint-Domingue, practicing subsistence agriculture, and hunting. Forming very close knit communities, the maroons were a model of self reliance, as there was no ability to contact or go near French society, meaning they could only rely upon themselves. While not as hazardous as being a french slave, the outlook for a Maroon was still rather bleak. Exposure, disease, famine, drought, or even slave catchers, could spell the end for this class of freedmen.

Meanwhile, there were other slaves on the island who weren’t African, or Mixed-African. There was a small number of white French indentured servants, many of whom had exchanged their freedom, for debts bondage, and a place in the New World. While they still had little in the way of money, and still suffered disease, and abuse, they were somewhat better off than African slaves. Indentured servants were usually protected under the law from egregious abuses. Rarely, after their term, an indentured servant would pursue compensation or other legal action against their employer, if they had been particularly abused. This form of redress would never be offered to the enslaved african, and mixed-african classes below them.

Some slaves managed to be freed through some way or another. Often being the child of a slave owner and a slave, sometimes the father would free the slave, in some pang of familial bond. These poor freedmen were a small but noticeable underclass. While having more rights than slaves, they had little in the way of true legal equality, living on the societal peripheries.

The second highest class were the so-called petit blancs, or little whites. These were the merchants, slave sellers, blacksmiths, small farmers, or the various administrative officials. The petit blancs dominated most professional positions. Generally on the same levels were poor french farmers, who could not afford the massive sprawling plantations as the grand blancs

The upper class was those wealthy planters who owned large plantations. Interestingly this upper class was split into two, on the lower end were some mixed-africans who managed to become wealthy slave owners in their own right. It’s estimated 1/3rd of plantation property, and 1/4th of slaves were owned by free mixed-africans. Nonetheless, they had numerous social restrictions placed upon them even owning property, and slaves. Freedmen were restricted from most major professions like medicine, or holding public office. So even their land and property was a cage they could not escape. The grand blancs or great whites, were the highest level of Haitian society, being wealthy white landowners. Lording over society, the vast majority of colonial wealth sat in their hands.

Such a society was immensely unstable, grand blancs wished to keep the status quo of their society, and continue to profit off slave labor. The black/mixed-african landowning class wished to be recognized as equal to whites. Poor whites and petit blancs felt a tinge of desire to have the lands, and wealth of their perceived lesser, landholding blacks/mixed-africans, as well as, the legal and social rights that the grand blancs had. Maroons continued their raids to free family members from plantations whenever they could, and above all slaves wanted to be free from their bondage entirely. An unsteady house of cards, Saint-Domingue society would come crashing down with the start of the Haitian Revolution.
 
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First post! Not sure if this was the correct place to do it. Or if there is any interest in a Haiti timeline. Hopefully both are correct!
 
Well, first, this is the correct place to post it, as it is Before 1900.

And, good start to the TL, @Eigengrau17, and waiting for more. Hope TTL's *Haiti becomes a power in baseball in TTL...
 
Well, first, this is the correct place to post it, as it is Before 1900.

And, good start to the TL, @Eigengrau17, and waiting for more. Hope TTL's *Haiti becomes a power in baseball in TTL...
Excellent I’m glad I chose the right place!

I’m exceptionally garbage at anything sports related, so if anything develops out of Haiti in that aspect I’ll have to hand it off to someone else.
 
2. The Haitian Revolution (1791 - 1804)
From Cape Tiburon to Cape Samaná - A United Hispaniola Timeline


Chapter 2: The Age of Heroes? 1789 Question, the Slave Rebellion of 1791, and the Haitian Revolution



One criticism often levied upon nations, and their founding myths is a tendency to glorify the founders and progenitors of a nation as near-perfect demi-gods. Haiti’s founding myth would be no different. From Julien Raimond and Vincent Ogé to the three founding fathers, Toussaint Louverture, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, and Henri Christophe, mainstream Haitian society, and general pop history have forgotten their humanity for idolatry. Dessalines and Louverture especially have been subject to this treatment, as they died in some supposed egalitarian struggle for the freedom of all men.

Despite much of their character traits, motives, and desires having been carved, and served as a sacrifice upon the altar of national mythos, and hero-worship, enough sources exist to develop a clear picture of these early “heroes” of the revolution, while still undoubtedly lacking in impartiality, these early sources offer us the closest rapprochement with truth.



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The Revolutionary Progenitors: French Revolution Shatters Saint-Domingue

Following the French Revolution, the First French Republic ushered forth social change that threatened to completely and upend the already unstable social balance of Saint-Domingue. When the Universal Declaration of the Rights of Man was declared in 1789, it was curiously left open to interpretation who was considered equal.

For the planters on Saint-Domingue, the Universal Declaration served as an insult, and an excuse to pursue their independence. If the so-called French Republic was going to harm their bottom line, then they should declare their independence. The white planters wanted to establish a free planters state, where they could control their trade, and escape the taxes and restrictions of the French Republic.

For the African population of the island, the idea of a white planter-led independence movement was horrifying. While the French Empire had already given little in the way of restrictions on white slave owners, it was feared a free and independent Saint-Domingue would be even crueler, and more harsh upon their slaves.

Free people of color, especially wealthy planters, were rather overjoyed by the news of the declaration. A wealthy free person of color, a planter named Julien Raimond had been agitating for full legal equality. But not necessarily for slaves, as he was an indigo planter, instead pushing for freedmen to be viewed as equal to whites. It would be the work of Raimond, and the Society of the Friends of the Blacks, in France which would see the Republic institute reforms to allow freedmen to vote and have somewhat legal equality.

Another freedman, and perhaps more important to the later revolution, Vincent Ogé, was a Creole Haitian military officer, goldsmith, plantation owner, and merchant who would formally submit a demand for the right to vote. The local colonial governor blocked Ogé in his quest. In response, he would lead a 300-man insurgency around the area today known as Cap-Henry. As perhaps expected, his insurgency against the state would fail, and Ogé would be beaten upon a breaking wheel and beheaded for all to see. In death, Vincent Ogé would ascend into the pantheon of Haitian nationalist worship. Despite not caring much for slaves, or wanting to free them, Ogé’s death would serve as among the main inspirations for the Slave Rebellion of 1791.




At the Foot of Vesuvius

Within mainland France itself, the issue of slavery was tearing the nation apart, not unlike it would to the United States of America decades later. Enlightenment writers like Guillaume Raynal argued that not only was slavery a great moral evil, but also an impending disaster. Pointing to issues like white colonists' refusal to uphold the government’s decision granting the right to vote to free people of color. Colonists' refusals, clashed with free people of color leading to increasingly common outbreaks of sporadic violence. More interestingly would be the worrying levels of organization and hostility by slaves towards slave owners.

This tension in the colony, which one writer likened to “sleeping at the foot of Vesuvius” erupted into full rebellion on August 21, 1791. According to later tales, thousands of slaves attended a secret vodou ceremony as a massive tropical storm hit the island. It is said in the thunder lightning, and dark clouds the slaves saw their destiny. An omen of freedom. Across the island, slaves descended upon their masters in displays of brutal violence. Men were dragged from their beds, mistresses abused, and executed, in a shocking display, it is said even the children were not spared. The cruelty of the French owners towards their slaves had created an embittered, and equally racist enslaved population. The leader of this rebellion, if one could call it an organized rebellion, was Dutty Boukman, a high vodou priest. By the end of 10 days, the entire northern-western half of Hispaniola had fallen under slave control.

As September rolled around, the southern slaves had also rebelled. 13,000 slaves led by a freedwoman named Romaine-la-Prophétesse, originally born as a man named Romaine Rivière and was a freedman who had been a plantation owner. When the rebellion began in 1791, Romaine was identified as a vodou prophetess, dressed in women’s clothing, and began to adopt feminine titles believing to have been possessed by a female spirit. Plantations were sacked, and the slaves occupied the two southern cities of Léogâne and Jacmel.

Despite having long feared revolt, the planters had severely underestimated its size and scope. Within a few weeks, over 100,000 slaves had joined in the rebellion. Interestingly, these slaves fought for the king. Many of them falsely believed the King of France had intended to free them, and as such argued they were fighting for their rights as Frenchmen.

By 1792 after controlling a third of Saint-Domingue, and seeing the escalating violence by white militias, and slave rebels, the French National Assembly decided to pass a law that granted full civil rights to freed people of color.



The Coalition Invades: French Abolition of Slavery

As France and Great Britain came to blows in the War of the First Coalition, the Grand Blancs arranged a secret deal with the British. Believing the British would uphold their rights as slaveholders, and put down this slave revolt, they invited and supported the British invasion. For the Kingdom of Great Britain, their reasoning was simple, William Pitt the Prime Minister, feared a successful slave rebellion would inspire their colonies to revolt, further on a purely strategic goal, controlling France’s most important colony would be a useful negotiating tool.

Spain would also choose to join the rebellion. Controlling the other half of Hispaniola, the Spanish had similar fears of the rebellion spreading. Both Britain and Spain would send troops, guns, ammunition, and food to the rebels. Everywhere the British landed they were greeted as saviors, and their restoration of slavery made them beloved by slave owners, and despised by the slaves having just tasted freedom.

In a powerful move, that changed the fate of the colony forever. The French Republic sent its two commissioners, the hated Léger-Félicité Sonthonax and Étienne Polverel to formally declare slavery abolished in February 1794. Further, the Republic would grant legal, full legal, and political equality to all those now freed slaves.



Toussaint Louverture: From Traitor to Triumphant Hero

Entering into the story was one Toussaint Louverture. Despite his later being held up as a selfless hero of the revolution, during the early days, Louverture was working with the Spanish Army. He had accepted a full commission under Spain, and been made a Knight of the Order of Saint Isabella. Many reasons have been theorized as to why Louverture had continued to work with Spain, even after the declaration of the abolishment of slavery in 1794, some have claimed he did not trust the French, this would be accurate, as Napoleon reinforced slavery as soon as he gripped power. Others claim it was purely opportunistic, and Louverture was merely weighing the most likely-to-succeed option. Either way, Louverture would continue working with Spain, inflicting decisive defeats against French forces, and splitting Sonothonax off from the southern half of the colony.

As suddenly as he joined Spain, Louverture would switch sides, ambushing and destroying a Spanish force while they attended mass in May 1794. Caught on the back foot, the Spanish Army would be decisively routed and chased from the colony by soldiers under Louverture's command.

Britain too had been driven from Southern Saint-Domingue having been killed to the last man by a combination of yellow fever, and deliberate French executions of prisoners.

Prime Minister Pitt was; however, not finished yet. Even with the Spanish in retreat, and his forces decimated, he would launch a massive naval invasion, perhaps the greatest of the nation up to that point. In 1796, he would commit to sending 30,000 men, and 100 ships they would land on the island. Early on Britain had some success, taking Port-au-Prince, and several other coastal exclaves. Their success quickly began to turn to defeat, as yellow fever annihilated the British army. Compounding these losses, Louverture led a daring offensive on a British-held fort they named Fort Churchill. In a shocking display to the British, Louverture had drilled his army into a professional fighting force that proved almost an equal match for their European counterparts. Even though he was driven back from Fort Churchill, the British led by Thomas Maitland knew it was only a matter of time before they lost control of the fort, and the island in general. Sailing to London, Maitland advised the immediate withdrawal from the island.

By the end of 1798, the last British forces had left the island, Interestingly most of the Jamaican soldiers had switched sides, joining Louverture after being left behind during the withdrawal. Now at the apex of his power, Louverture was an unofficial dictator over the island. He would even crush a French plot to overthrow him. Supporting the mixed-race military leader Andre Rigaud, the War of Knives would see the mixed-race army under Rigaud launch brutal attacks, killing as many Louverture supporters, or accused supporters as they could find. Nonetheless, by 1800, Louverture had effectively suppressed Rigaud, who fled the island. Declaring himself governor for life, and pushing for an autonomous state, he had effectively crossed one line too many. The French, now ruled by Napoleon Bonaparte, organized a new campaign under the dreaded Charles Leclerc.



The Fall of Toussaint Louverture

Landing in Le Cap, in 1802 was a French expedition led by Charles Leclerc and two mixed-race commanders who had conflicted with Louverture, Alexander Pétion and Andre Rigaud. At Le Cap, they would encounter a garrison led by Henri Christophe. When ordered to surrender, Christophe refused, with Leclerc storming the city. Rather than surrender Christophe’s soldiers burnt the city before retreating. Effectively, Toussaint and Christophe had declared rebellion against France.

French assumptions about black people were severely tested by the brutal guerilla war the rebels would undertake. Many French believed that slavery was natural to the African race, and they would subserviently return to French rule. This belief was shattered when Haitian rebels sacked the city of Léogâne to the last man.

Donatien de Rochambeau, a known white supremacist would wage an attempted war of annihilation against any African he found. Instituting the first known usage of gas chambers, Rochambeau would turn ships into mobile death camps killing thousands with sulfur dioxide.

After 11 years of brutal fighting; however, the war came to a sudden pause. Toussaint Louverture would surrender to the Leclerc after being promised retirement, land, and freedom for the slaves. Many people today question why Louverture surrendered. He was known for his distrust of the French, so it seemed unwise for him to take their offers. Others believed he was simply tired after over a decade of conflict. Either way, Charles Leclerc would go against his word, immediately imprisoning him, and sending him back to France as a trophy prisoner. Louverture would never see Saint-Domingue again, dying in the mountains of France in 1803. The first, and perhaps most famous of the Haitian Three, was dead.

The Final Rebellion: Haitian Independence

Napoleonic control lasted for a few short months until the summer of 1802. As it became clear Napoleon intended to reintroduce slavery on the island, the former slaves once again were in open revolt. By this point the French army was in shambles, with only an estimated 8,000 soldiers left alive, Leclerc would request reinforcements. In another debacle, Napoleon would send the Polish Legion who would immediately defect after learning they were fighting to preserve slavery.

Leclerc would finally die of yellow fever, in a final act of cruelty ordering every African in Le Cap to drown. Taking over from Leclerc was Vicomte de Rochambeau, who adopted a near-genocidal policy of eliminating every African from the colony. Britain would once again enter the scene, this time on the side of their once-enemy rebels. Blockading the island effectively prevented contact between outposts, and most importantly any French reinforcements. As the French army slowly began to crumble Rochambeau would opt for a final stand at Le Cap.

The final battle of the Haitian Revolution known as the Battle of Vertières one of the fiercest battles of the war, as fatigued and fever-mad soldiers rushed into a furious melee. This battle would claim another devastating casualty, the second of the Haitian Three, Jean-Jacque Dessalines.
[1]

With the leadership of Dessalines leftover army falling to Henri Christophe, the Haitian army besieged the garrison holding out in Le Cap. After two months of slow attrition, Rochambeau, and the French army would surrender to the English navy, who Christophe was more than happy to let capture the French. The Haitian Revolution had ended.


The Kingdom of Haiti is Born: An Act of Amnesty

On the smoldering ruins of Gonaïves, Henri Christophe would stand before a crowd of his soldiers, and declare the independence of Haiti from France. The losses had been costly, 200,000 Africans, and Mixed-Africans, while 50,000 Europeans had died in the colony's struggle for independence. Many cities were devastated, and the populace scattered. The economy was annihilated, and would struggle to recover, and may not have if not for the iron-fisted rule of Henri Christophe. While it wouldn’t be until the next year, when it was declared, it is usually considered January 1, 1804, that the Kingdom of Haiti began.

In a move surprising many, Henri Christophe would announce an official pardon of white colonists. As many would leave their hiding places, and enter into the open, many would call and demand Christophe execute them. Under advice from the English, Christophe would choose to spare the white population of the island, allowing them to choose to stay on the island, and help rebuild, or depart if they so wished.
[2]

The so-called Sparing of Port-au-Prince was seen by many as a watershed moment in Haitian history. With the protection given to the white population, many Southern fears of genocide by their slaves were shown to be false. It would be by this metric, the total economic embargo of Haiti, that some southerners envisioned would never come to pass. An arms embargo and a general refusal to recognize the new kingdom would; however, remain.[3]

As the bloodiest chapter of Haitian history ends, we look at the supposed heroes of the past. Dessalines, Christophe, and even Louverture regularly switched sides and fought for and against slavery. All three took part in, or ignored horrific atrocities against their supposed racial enemies. Even supposed progenitors of the revolution like Julien Raimond, and Vincent Ogé weren’t fighting for anyone’s gain but their own. Perhaps the best way we can recontextualize the importance of these revolutionary heroes is not for their personalities, or for what they fought. Instead, the utilitarian approach may be the best one to take, and we instead celebrate the outcome of their fight.

Nonetheless, we must overall come to terms and grapple with the horrid nature of the Haitian War for Independence, and the horrid men who fought it. While we may feel tempted to ignore the reality, or point towards the imagined enemy as worse, it must be recorded and acknowledged the brutality and cruelty of the enslaved and the enslaver.



Notes

[1]
The first major divergence of this timeline Jean-Jacque Dessalines, who was by this point the most popular and senior member of the Haitian Revolution, is killed during one of Rochambeau's campaigns. This would leave Henri Christophe as the last major revolutionary leader.

[2] It is well known Henri Christophe had a general affinity for European culture, and especially the English. It is unlikely he would have called for the wholesale slaughter of Europeans, as Dessalines did. Instead, it is far more likely he would have allowed those to leave who wished to, and protected the rest.

[3] In OTL, the massacre of the French was seen as a major reason for Southerners to be able to strongarm the later embargoes placed upon all Haitian goods by the United States. While I do think it is still highly unlikely the United States will recognize Haiti, or lift its firearm embargo, a full embargo of all Haitian goods is unlikely to pass, especially as southern fears are not validated by vindictive slave killings. This will help alleviate the economic burden Haiti suffered from economic isolation.
 
3. Henry I, Part 1 (1804-1820)
From Cape Tiburon to Cape Samaná - A United Hispaniola Timeline


Chapter 3: The Reign of Henry I, Part 1: (1804-1820)


“Perhaps if we had something we could show you, if we had something we could show ourselves, you would respect us and we might respect ourselves. If we had even the names of our great men! If we could lay our hands on things we've made, monuments and towers and palaces, we might find our strength. While I live I shall try to build that pride we need, and build in terms white men as well as black can understand”

-Henri Christophe addressing Sir Home Riggs Popham, Commander-in-Chief of the English West Indian Fleet.

Of the founding fathers of Haiti, Henri Christophe is the most well-studied of the three. His personality, unlike Jean-Jacques Dessalines, and Toussaint Louverture Henri’s personality, his imperfections, and desires are more well known to us, and less mired in centuries of obfuscation. This is due to the fact Henri was lucky enough to have survived the war. Henri himself is perhaps among the most intriguing personalities in Haitian history. Known for vanity, and iron-fisted rule, but also genuine selflessness and conviction. While his policies are controversial, and his push for progress even for the sake of lives, his rule would set up a framework that would allow Haiti to survive the early tumultuous period of its independence.


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A Muddled Past (1767 - 1802)

Henri is often described as a man plucked from the void, as most of his life before the revolution is largely based upon speculation and myth. Even as king, he was largely unwilling to rectify records or develop a concise timeline of his past. It is said that this malleability of his past was deliberate on his part, allowing him to effortlessly change who he was, and his history based purely on the crowd he was talking to, and what was needed for the time.

Born sometime in 1767, the usual date being assumed October 7. Henri was born in Granada or other theories postulate the island of St. Kitts. Born to a slave mother, and a freedman, Henri was separated from his parents and transported to northern Haiti at a young age. In 1779 at the age of 12, it is said Henri was recruited into the Chasseurs-Volontaires de Saint-Domingue where he served as a drummer boy. This regiment was composed of free mixed-race men of color, and a few slaves who fought in the American Revolutionary War most importantly at the Siege of Savannah. Henri himself later claimed to have been wounded during the battle, though the veracity of such a claim, cannot be verified.

Upon returning to Saint-Domingue, Henri did numerous skilled jobs usually above the pay of agricultural slaves. These included a mason, sailor, stable hand, waiter, and billiard maker. Among these jobs, his time as a waiter at La Couronne a popular hotel in Le-Cap, modern-day Cap-Henry brought him into close contact with wealthy white planters, and European visitors. It is said from these experiences his affinity with, and understanding of European, and especially, English culture.

Sometime before the 1791 Slave Rebellion, Henri gained his emancipation; however, the exact circumstances have largely been lost. When the great colonial conflagration started, Henri would immediately join the side of the rebels. Over time he would rise through the ranks, becoming a general under Louverture, and later the French. Eventually being named commander-in-chief of the Haitian rebels. When Louverture was captured, and Dessalines was killed, Henri was left as the sole leader of the Haitian Revolution and head of the new nation.


From Rebel Leader to King

Standing upon the rubble of his shattered colony, Henri Christophe had to decide how best to proceed in building a nation. Some Republican factions like Alexandre Pétion, another popular revolutionary general, and Jean-Pierre Boyer wanted to found the Haitian Republic, meanwhile, Henri Christophe heavily disagreed arguing that Haiti was destroyed, and shattered and needed a strong leader to rally behind as an icon and image. Henri, being the highest ranking military leader, the sole remaining face of the revolution, and most importantly being Afro-Haitian, was able to outmaneuver Pétion, and Boyer to establish the Kingdom of Haiti.

Crowned by Jean-Baptiste-Joseph Brelle, Henri Christophe became Henry I, of the Kingdom of Haiti. Opting out of a lavish ceremony Henry instead chose to be crowned before a crowd of his fellow Haitians, before the Our Lady of the Assumption Cathedral in Le-Cap, Henry was named:

“Henry, by the grace of God and constitutional law of the state, King of Haiti, Sovereign of Tortuga, Gonâve, and other adjacent islands, Destroyer of tyranny, Regenerator and Benefactor of the Haitian nation, Creator of her moral, political, and martial institutions, First crowned monarch of the New World, Defender of the faith, Founder of the Royal Military Order of Saint Henry.”

Initially extremely popular amongst the lower black populace, Henry was deeply disliked by the mixed-race middle, and upper classes who sneered at the idea of being beholden to an African slave. Moving with his supporters to the southern area of the country, Boyer, and Pétion would slowly begin gathering support for a plot against the new Kingdom.
[1]


Delusions of Grandeur

Early in Henry’s reign, the clear vanity of his personality bled through. After spending life as a slave, he had become a King, a true rags to riches self-made story. In this he would reward himself, the Royal Military Order of Saint Henry would be established as an award, and high society given to those who proved themselves of the highest merit. Le-Cap, which had been the administrative heart of the old French colonial empire in the Caribbean, would be renamed to Cap-Henry, after the King and his son, also named Henry.

A large royal palace would be established near Cap-Henry, named the Palace of Sans-Souci, built between 1805 and 1808, this palace ironically also the tomb of the Haitian Kingdom was one of its first built structures.

Henry not only indulged himself in these grand displays but also extended them to many of his allies. Largely supporting wealthy black freed people of color, or meritorious soldiers who served with distinction, Henry would establish a national nobility system. This system consisted of four princes, eight dukes, 22 counts, 40 barons, and 14 knights ("chevaliers"). Aggravating to many mixed-race Haitians, these were in the beginning almost exclusively given to full-blooded Afro-Haitians.


Agrarian Corporalism

Of course, Haiti would need to pay not only for the extravagances of Henry’s regime but also to rebuild the Haitian agricultural economy as well. Henry was ambitious, not only did he want to maintain Haiti’s crop output, but also expand it, and grow larger. To do this, he would institute a system of widely hated Agrarian Corporalism.

Agrarian Corporalism would fit into the wider system of “Royal Service” in Haiti. All Haitians would be compelled to serve either in the military or work in the fields harvesting and processing sugar. In exchange for this service, Haitians would receive small, untaxed wages, and were encouraged to own small subsistence gardens. Wealthy Haitians could choose to pay a fee to have laborers work on their behalf instead of taking part in the Royal Service. This system would be immensely unpopular with many Haitians believing that they had been merely returned to slavery. Despite the hit his popularity would take, Henry’s system would pay back immensely.
By 1810, Haiti had a budget surplus of over 10 Million Francs, the sugar economy would roar back to life, and the Haitian economy began slowly coming back to its pre-revolutionary days. Mortality rates were somewhat lower than under the rule of the French as not only did workers receive payment, but were also encouraged to maintain their own gardens and houses.

The biggest outrage towards this system would be in the South, where Alexandre Pétion and his Republicans were enraged that Haiti had seemingly returned to slavery and forced labor after spending over a decade fighting to end the practice.


Foreign Policy of the Early Henry Regime

One of the greatest threats to Haiti would be the return of France and the general isolation of their export economy. Two major close calls shook Haiti during her early independence.

In 1814, the restored French monarchy under Louis XVIII began plotting with leftover white, and mixed-race landowners, to restore French colonial rule over Haiti. The plot was only foiled after the Haitian Army captured a French agent carrying details relating to the planned plot. In response, the entire nation was mobilized and began preparations for a state of war. Those who had been involved in the French plot were either killed by angry mobs or fled the island under the cover of moonlight. Louis XVIII would only abandon any plans to reconquer the island after the Haitian government officially reached out to British high society, and used their influence to pressure the British to step in. Henry was a somewhat liked figure amongst the British, due to his liking of British culture, often styling himself more akin to a British monarch, even adopting many trappings of the Westminster system.

A second great test would come in 1807 when a bill in the U.S. Congress would narrowly be defeated. This bill would illegalize, and prohibit exports of Haitian sugar, and coffee. The bill's failure only came due to the efforts of Henry to portray himself as a protector of whites in Haiti, and the nation as a safe for all races.

Even after overcoming these early challenges, Haiti was still faced with numerous difficulties. No nation would choose to recognize an independent slave state in the Caribbean, making diplomacy extremely difficult. Fortunately, while the official diplomatic channels were closed to Haiti, the gates of trade remained largely open. American, and British merchants especially began to replace French traders. Curiously, the minor German states also saw their fair share of enterprising merchants go to Haiti. The nation’s open ports made it easy for these small states to circumvent the brutal mercantilist policies of the French, and British. Haiti had before the revolution supplied 60% of European coffee, and now as an independent state, prices grew more accessible for smaller states.

In the realm of official diplomacy for Haiti, that came in 1807 when the British signed an agreement with Henry’s government. Under this agreement, Haiti would not back, or support slave rebellions, or encourage emancipation in colonial territories. In exchange, Britain would assist Haiti in maintaining its unrecognized independence by informing them of ship, and troop movements of hostile powers like France. While a long way from official recognition, the Haitian state would greatly profit from British assistance.


The Southern Revolt: Noble Reform

All of Henry’s early successes, his vanity, and his titles would nearly come crashing down in 1817. After a long life of stress, backstabbing, and military life, Henry would suffer a stroke. This event would shake Henry to his core, and throw him into a deep depression. In one case, Henry would even contemplate suicide. Bedridden, and ill, Henry would withdraw from public life, leaving more power in the hands of his advisory Parliament of Haiti.

Sensing the weakness of Henry, Alexandre Pétion and Jean-Pierre Boyer would launch an attempted palace coup against Henry. Promising to abolish forced labor, redistribute land, and create a republic, they gathered a sizable group of peasants, and mixed elites to their cause. The two with a group of soldiers would attack the Palace of Sans-Souci where Henry had largely isolated himself. Sending his fastest men to get help, Henry’s royal guard would hold the house against the dozens of besieging men. After a long bitter fight, the Haitian Army would arrive, killing Pétion, and Boyer as well as most of their cohorts.

Even with the coup being quashed riots would break out across Port-au-Prince, and other Southern cities, with mixed elites fanning the flames. Shouts of “death to the tyrant” and “long live the Republic'' would ring through the streets. Henry in a short snap back to his old ways sent in the military led by his illegitimate son who quashed the protests, and restored order.

Henry was deeply affected by his sickness and the failed coup. Realizing the precariousness of his own rule, he would institute reforms to ensure the stability of his Agrarian Corporalist, and Noble Peerage system. To those elite, and wealthy mixed-race members of society who had not participated in the failed coup, Henry would award them with noble titles, and lands. Soldiers who had loyally helped crush the protests would be granted small plots, and exempted from future forced labor. Finally, rewards would be granted to nobles who helped ensure the Agrarian Corporalist system remained stable. In a small olive branch to those who hated, and revolted against the system, Henry would slightly relax the demanded output, and push for better conditions on plantations.

As the early period of Henry’s rule faded, the change in the King himself had become evident. From a young, vain, and driven, Henry had pushed his nation to the brink of another rebellion It was only by sickness, and a failed coup, that the King experienced real and lasting change. As the youth exuberance of his early reign ends, Haiti stands more stable, and its Kingdom institutionalized. Now the nation would begin to soar, as it looked east towards the declining Spanish rule in Hispaniola.



Notes

[1]
IRL, Alexandre Petion, and his followers were able to successfully establish a state in the South. This is largely due to the sudden assassination of Dessalines being a combined effort by both Petion and Christophe. Without Christophe needing to plot and partner with Petion and being the head of the Haitian rebels, he can assume sole control over the nation.
 
I'm looking forward to this. I don't know much about Haitian history besides having a string of horrible rulers and bad policies so this is interesting.
 
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