In this country , it is good to kill an admiral from time to time

Richmond prepares to strike back ( Eastern coast of North America 1844-1855)

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By the time hostilities ended in Europe, no one in North America doubted the relationships between the Republic of Virginia and the Republic of the Carolinas had taken a point of no-return. The harsh peace terms and the complete demilitarisation of the Virginian military forces had left plenty of bad feelings in Richmond and its surroundings, with the freeing of the slave population and the exile of Calhoun supporters worsening the situation.

By 1844, time had doesn't its work and the Carolinian population had enough to pay for the occupation of Virginia, which was materialising in higher taxes and young recruits assassinated in the streets of Virginian cities. President Gordon tried to oppose this move, affirming the Virginians would rearm at the first chance they had, but his speeches were ignored and he was moved out of office in 1845 by Tom Devon and his Liberal Party. The Republicans were ejected from most of the legislative positions at Columbia after a dreadful election defeat the next year, and the occupation of Virginia ended in September 1846. From 1846 to 1852, the Liberals became famous to concentrate on internal politics and ignore virtually everything foreign which was not concerning trade. While the merchant marine and some armed auxiliaries were expanded in great numbers and equipped with steam-technology, the rest of the Virginian navy was badly neglected. New factories emerged from the ground, new industries were developed, new laws were passed to limit the abuse the working class were sufferings. In turn, this gave a prosperity and a wealth per habitant which was superior even to the French Empire of North America on their western frontier. What no one remarked, among the Liberal government, was that this extra-wealth had largely been taken by robbing the army and the navy from subsidies and numbers.

This was dangerous, and not just because the Virginians to the north were dreaming to make Columbia pay in rivers of blood their humiliation of the last war. To the south, the Directorate of Florida was entertaining the idea of expanding once again its territory at the expense of other nations. Accordingly, decreasing the standing regular army to 32 000 men was seen as idiotic by the Republicans and the Conservatives, the two parties doing their best to hamper in the Carolinian legislative branch all attempt to cut back even more the military budget. The voting population tended to dismiss those alarmists in 1846, but as the situation progressively got worse, people started to doubt the words of Minister of War Steven King that there was nothing to fear (except fear itself naturally ).

Naturally, events in Virginia were far less peaceful than the Columbia Liberal, the government main newspaper to pass its propaganda, made believable. As soon as the occupation of Virginia came to an end, a new election in October 1846 saw the return at Richmond of several pro-Calhoun politicians who had been impossible to find when they were Carolinian soldiers in the street. The results of this vote were a dreadful blow to the part of the political class wanting to let the past be gone: 82% of the electors this day voted for the Party of Renewal, a new party which had a lot of in common with Calhoun's deceased Revanchist Party. James McKenzie was elected Consul and took power in the newly build Richmond Pentagon. This was not good news for the black population. In February 1847, the laws which had given them full citizen status in the Virginia Republic were entirely repealed (only the fact the Carolinians had held the lawmakers at gunpoint had authorised this law to pass). From 1847 to 1850, the edicts who deprived non-white Virginians grew more abusive, only missing by an inch the reestablishment of slavery. Moderates like Herbert Calverson and the Moderate Party as a whole were discredited, when some of their supporters were not outright beaten in the street with the police forces refusing to intervene. Those who had not white skin understood very well their time in Virginia was counted, and many chose to fled the Virginian territories to find a better fate elsewhere. Louisiana was often the prime destination, as other nations had heavy moral reservation to welcome former slaves who had illustrated themselves by blowing governmental buildings or setting fire to the houses of their former masters. As McKenzie consolidated his power and progressively purged his opponents, the remnants of Virginian democracy disappeared of the political picture. While five elections would be organised at every level between 1846 and 1852 in Carolina, the one of October 1846 was the first and last election organised by the authorities of Richmond. Rearmament was also increasing, the factories dismantled or destroyed in the previous conflict now being rebuilt, and large surplus of European weaponry finding their way from the other side of the Atlantic.

This rapid change from democracy to pure tyranny shocked the observers assisting to this changes. With the obvious and illegal power grabs of Calhoun and the Revanchists in the beginning of the Carolinian-Virginian war, a lot of persons in the sphere of power of the neighbouring countries had believed a renewal of these ideals was non-existent in probability. But by humiliating completely every member of the upper classes of Virginia, President Gordon and the Carolinian army had achieved exactly that. By 1853, the Virginian army had sufficiently reorganised to form an army of 30 000 men. The navy of Richmond was still lagging behind, but had built a massive iron-hulled ship of the line named the McClellan which gave a lot of worries to the Carolinian admirals.
War Carolinian Minister Stephen King continued to trumpet at Colombia this military program was not directed towards them, but this time the men and women who had given power to the Liberals were not openly agreeing with them anymore. The elections of 1853 saw the Liberals lose their absolute majority to a relative one, which meant in practise some Republicans entered the government (although the Liberals kept the War Ministry). Unfortunately, these new members realised rapidly the mountain of work which were waiting them. By the pretext of needing to avoid any foreign entanglement, the relations between Carolina and the nations of Maryland and Delaware were falling into ruin. Of course, Delaware had always been more than a French protectorate and a free-trade zone than a Carolinian ally, but the loss in influence was still worrying. It was terrifying in Maryland, which despite having received its new independence at the hands of Columbia, was now listening more and more to New Orleans, Quebec and Cordoba than their liberators.

At a moment where Maryland allied could have forced Virginia to fight on two fronts, this de facto neutrality was not a factor to contemplate with joy. In the south, Supreme Director Andrew Jackson had at last died in 1849, a moment everyone in North America celebrated (save Florida of course). The pertinent question was to ask if they had not traded a known evil for an unknown one. Matthew Jackson, the former Director's eldest son, took power in the wake of his father's death and started a purge of the Floridian military system, forcing many old high-ranked officers to retire.
Few neighbouring nations of North and South America were naive enough to believe these were the first signs of a new area in which Florida would become a model of democracy and liberty. This minor wave of optimism didn't live long. March 1850 saw the arrest of the three Dalton brothers, who had been among the main architects of the Georgian invasion. Each Dalton faced a court-martial, was found guilty and then executed by firing squad in less than a week (four days to be precise ). The dreaded Directorate army and Security forces diminished a bit in size during the years 1850 and 1851, but it was logical with all the court-martials and trials for 'defeatism' and 'treason' Matthew Jackson ordered for those who doubted his capacities to lead the Directorate. Otherwise, little changed in Florida. A new city in conquered Georgia was built (and was unavoidably named Jacksonville) but apart from that, calm reigned in the Floridian territories, Director Jackson refraining to make any open hostile moves. Even the fate of the immigrants seemed to get better (though the enslavement of the black population of Georgia undoubtedly played also a role ). Only some persons in Bogota and Québec suspected the worst from this dictatorship, as several of their least patriotic scientists and engineers disappeared after being contacted by men believed to be agents of the Directorate. But the proofs were too slim to accuse a sovereign nation, and while the UPNG and France mounted separately intelligence operations, nothing really convincing was found. And as the size of the Virginian rearmament was more and more threatening, the attention of the Carolinian public would not be turned southwards...

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Illegitimate children (any children really) are innocent of their parents sins until they themselves do something bad.

They probably are not children anymore, I don't think innocent Habsburgs exist anyway. :D joking

Not really innocent anymore for most, quite a lot of them were officers in the armies which were sent to Africa and participated in several massacres. A few are decent persons, but it is far from the majority of them.

Is cordoba the capital of the upng? I thought it would be Bogota.

My mistake :eek:. I will correct that immediately!

I'm rooting so hard for Carolina right now.

Me too, although realistically speaking there is some irony in rooting for Carolina.

And that's part of what makes it awesome. ;)

Iit is indeed quite ironic compared to the history of Carolina OTL. But right now the wordl has changed in a lot of ways, and for better or for worse, Carolina is the most properous and democratic nation of the former Thriteen Colonies. Although some of their politicians have isolationist tendancies which remind one nation OTL...
 
The Republics and kingdoms of Scandinavia (Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Finland 1844-1855 )

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Frederick VII of Denmark



In the last Great European conflict known as the Damocles War, the performance of the kingdoms of Norway and Denmark had been a relatively contrasted affair. On one hand, the two monarchies had been the only members of the North Sea Confederation to not be invaded, even enlarging their own possessions with a few islands and Iceland. On the other hand, losses in ships and sailors had been outright catastrophic.
The Danish navy had taken severe losses despite innovation in terms of artillery, steam engines and the first submarine which had allowed it to inflict the only defeat to the French navy in the entire war. But except for the national pride, it didn't compensate the destruction of their remaining allies. Instead of having a reliable Hanoverian realm guarding its southern frontier, the Saxon Empire was now casting a large shadow. The new kingdom of Dutch Germany and Scotland under occupation did not want to be associated in any way with their former allies. On the world stage, Denmark's only true ally (besides Norway ) was Carolina, the Atlantic trade between the two nations being too important for even the Liberal Government of the 1840s to endanger the treaties. Still, with the Entente rather distrustful (some retired French admirals had not forgotten being defeated by an experimental submarine) and Saxony with Frederick Augustus III having great imperial ambitions, Denmark had a lot of issues close to home. Not to mention the Danish African outposts had been seized by the forces of Imperial Spain, and now Isabella I was steadily requesting large sums for their restitution.

Christian VIII of Denmark did not live long enough to deal with most of these diplomatic problems. Born in 1786 and crowned king in 1805, the son of Frederick VI died in January 1851 at the age of 65 from a long illness. Fortunately, Denmark was not plagued by the succession crisis of a nation like Habsburg Italy. The king had had mistresses after the death of his wife, but had taken great care to never recognise his illegitimate children (although certain sums from the Royal treasury found their way into the purse of the most attractive women of the realm ) and to insist to every circle of power in his realm that his son Frederick was the first and only choice to succeed him. With his only other sibling Princess Caroline married to John II king of Norway, Frederick thus ascended to the throne in 1851 as Frederick VII, King of Denmark. As the new sovereign had married Princess Alexandra of Russia in 1829 (with the birth of Prince Christian and Oscar in 1831 and 1836 respectively ), the future of the Danish Crown seemed well assured.
That was not taking into account the social problems Denmark suffered. While the Danish political system had increasingly tended towards a more parliamentary approach in the 1820s, the conflict known as the Scandinavian Explosion had put a brutal end to these overtures. To be sure, Christian VIII had promoted thorough his reign the idea of a Scandinavian culture and some measures (largely symbolic ) were taken. There had been again some reforms started in 1836, but the Damocles War had put an end to them. The result was that in 1851, the Kingdom of Denmark had a Parliament in Copenhagen, but the assembly in question had as much as the monarch wanted them to have, which translated in "not a lot". In fact, it was more a sort of consultation and a way for the king to see if the ideas of his government were acceptable before putting them into practise. So while the now deceased Christian VIII hadn't abused his power in any way, the reality was that his country was still entering the 1850s as an absolute monarchy in theory. The policy of attracting emigrants was also showing its limits. While few person raised their voice during the conflict concerning the number of Swedes, Finns and Hanoverians taking refuge in their country, the problem caused by these citizens fleeing their country due to war or political instability was now increased by the general demobilisation touching Copenhagen military forces.

As a result, Frederick's decision to embark on an ambitious naval plan of rearmament in 1853 fed the flames of discontentment. Denmark was a country who had a higher living standard than Sweden and Finland, and some naval contractors seized this opportunity to hire by the hundreds the emigrants living in their country since the last decade. The unemployed Danish population didn't like that. Nor did the upper and middle classes which found themselves excluded from these juicy military and civilian contracts. Riots rapidly erupted in the main cities of Denmark, including Copenhagen. Despite the royal will of the previous Danish monarchs to unite Scandinavia under their banner, their subjects proved really eager to expulse the foreigners who took their jobs from them. Fighting broke out, and as some of the emigrants coming from Sweden and Finland were former Levellers or revolutionaries , these skirmishes didn't need a lot of incitation to turn bloody. Goteborg, Helsingborg and Malmo were scenes of brutal actions, leading to retaliation and the formation of militias which were absolutely not authorised by any governmental authority. In spite of the creation of the first Danish police force in 1854 and Frederick granting progressively the legislative power to the Parliament, things did not return to an appearance of calm until 1855. On the other hand, the number of emigrants accepted in Denmark per year was drastically reduced, and some of the agitators with nebulous pasts were forced to go searching elsewhere the opportunity to make a new life.
Norway fared better, their king John II having climbed his way to the throne from the low (and poor) nobility. Oslo was also not the gate of the Baltic, thousands of German, Polish and other nations immigrants were not forced to pass by their lands or waters to reach another destination. It had some drawbacks: less trade, less money and less incentive to innovate. The lack of foreign and internal investment (apart from the Danish ones ) robbed Norway to be more than a third rate power on the world stage hiding in the large shadow of Denmark. The relatively liberation of the country from the Scottish was still in everybody memories, and plenty of persons were still dealing with the aftermath of it, trying to contact the Republic of Australasia and see if some of their relatives were still alive. Industrialisation progressed at a very slow rate, and for the time being, there was no rural exodus like it was seen in France, England or Germany.

The kingdom of Norway was however relatively united and prosperous compared to the state of disrepair Finland found itself. The eastern republic had paid dearly its defiance against the Russian armies: about a third of its lands had been ravaged by the war, Helsinki had been under enemy occupation at the moment the war was officially over and the numbers of deaths had been in the tens of thousands, the Finnish style of irregular fighting giving the justification to the generals sent by Moscow to launch a series of atrocities which gave the winter snows a red colour. When time came to rebuild, most of Finland was in ruins, and the defeat of the Catholic League and Poland made sure the Finnish nation was bankrupt. In the short term, the formation of a revanchist type of government was largely avoided by the fact that if the Finnish population hated wholefully the Russians, they felt betrayed by the Polish and the rest of their allies who had been happy to sell them weapons but sent no help when the time for war was there. Without Polish support, winning against Russia would require a succession of miracles, and the Catholic and Orthodox churches found little to no participation in this period. The new authorities of Helsinki tried to rebuild, all the while dreaming of the day they would have their revenge against the Russian ogres.
The most imminent military threat, however, was not Russia or Saxony for the nations of the Scandinavian peninsula. It was Sweden. One of the only two European nations not to be involved in the Damocles War, the Second Republic of Sweden had rebuilt its infrastructure and its armies while everyone was distracted by the inferno consuming Europe. It had not made the nation a democracy, sadly. The nation was now governed in Stockholm by a group of five men nicknamed the Gustav Council: the newspapers in the streets propagated thousand of rumours among the cities population, from them worshipping pagan gods to a wish to re-establish the monarchy. To be more accurate, these five persons , three colonels and two politicians were all that remained of Sweden command structure after the Scandinavian explosion, and so found themselves thrown in power without any idea how to solve problems. The outcome was rather weird: the first years of this system, Sweden was a dictatorship without the army, the secret police or the intelligence organisations to suppress any internal dissent. There was simply not the funds to pay for them. The Danish and all of Sweden neighbours were rather puzzled by this, but in some way it was logical: from the beginning of the Age of Revolutions, Swedish citizens had been living under a tyranny. Given the massive purges and war casualties, few were able to recall a time where they weren't living under an authoritarian regime. The fact there was no election organised however, didn't stop the veterans of the lost conflict of 1830 to entertain thoughts of revenge towards Helsinki and Copenhagen. At the maximum of its power in the eighteenth century, the kingdom of Sweden had ruled over Norway and Finland, plus the current Danish lands situated in the south. To be relegated behind Denmark and been marked as unimportant on the world stage was humiliating for the Swedish pride. beginning in 1840, efforts of industrialisation were made in the northern part of the republic, all the while improving the infrastructure and subsiding steam technology and railroads. The Swedish army was nowhere ready to go against the Danish forces in 1855, despite assertions affirming the contrary. Moreover, these developments on land had delayed over and over the reconstruction of the navy, to the point Norway was a great naval power compared to the pitiful number of gunboats Sweden could launch in case hostilities broke out. But the Gustav Council had learnt patience from the last conflict they had participated. On the other hand, their hot-blooded citizens weren't all sharing this virtue...

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None can stay peaceful.

Well, OTL is not a timeline where peace was the norm in this period ;). Next chapter coming soon will introduce a bit of peace. Or not.

Would it be possible to have a new world/europe map ?

For the Europe map, no problem as it is basically the same as Europe in 1843. There have been no change of frontiers or territory purchases. I will repost one for those who don't manage to see it. The world map will take far longer, I've not finished it and there are quite a few chapter until I'm done with the pre-1855 period. After that, I will post it.
 
Strange ideologies ( Swiss Republic 1844-1855)

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When the Swiss Republic had been officially created after the Age of Revolutions, no one had missed the point the new nation had been established on the ruins of the old Swiss Confederation by Louis XVI of the French Bourbons to have a client state in this part of Europe. For the defeated nations, it was evident France had a new puppet state in an area formerly ruled and ignored by the Habsburgs. In the decades which followed, observers noticed this judgement had been somewhat hasty. The Swiss were following the positions of the French Foreign minister, that was true, but aside a few thousands regulars from Paris stationed there, French interference in Swiss politics was really minimal. For that matter, the Liechtenstein front against Bavaria in 1838 proved to Europe the Swiss Republic had its own motivations too on the European stage.
The Swiss ambitions didn't fare well after the end of the Damocles War. The Bavarians were furious to have lost the conflict against an enemy they had seen as one of the less redoubtable of the continent. The Republic of North Italy was angered by the Swiss annexation of territories having formerly belonged to Savoy. Danton, the man at the head of the French government, was persuaded the only utility of the Swiss Republic laid in its chocolate and its mountains. Moreover, financial involvement from Paris needed to maintain a French-speaking leadership in Bern was increasingly for little return: with thousands of Italian immigrants travelling northwards and about the same number of Germans arriving from the north, the Francophile party of Switzerland had been soundly defeated in the elections of 1845. The elections of 1850 proved even worse, the French-supported political factions managing hold a grand total of sixty seats together for a total of two hundred to fill.


Yet there was no anti-French coalition formed by the Swiss authorities. The new leader of the Swiss Republic, Ernest Schull, had decided to decrease in size the Swiss army (although cutting it to the barest bone was more appropriate) and that meant in case of conflict the French involvement would be primordial. The money saved by cutting back the military spending served to improve the cities and the rest of the infrastructure, also participating in the creation of a large number of factories and highly developed industries. The quality of live notably improved everywhere, opening an era of prosperity for Switzerland.
That did not mean the politics in Bern were anything but unstable. First Minister Schull was the leader of the pro-German Union party, which never gained more than 41% of the seats in a general election. In order to rule, Schull and his supporters had to make disproportionate compromises with smaller groups, all the while ensuring the Italian-speaking and French-speaking deputies didn't ally against him. The latter was simple as Milan and Paris made very clear by the means of various delegations and envoys that no one who valued his political career allied with the other side. The former was anything but.

Due to its revolutionary past, the Swiss Republic had a very high-level tolerance policy inside its own frontiers. Politic groups, books, exilic rebels; what and who were strictly forbidden in countries like France, Saxony, Austria-Hungary or Poland were let go to their own devices in Zurich and Bern. Naturally, the monarchies and republics of Europe breathed in relief at first following the Damocles War, clearly preferring for these prime candidates for execution to plan, write and think their dangerous ideas elsewhere than on their home soil.
These movements continued for most of the late 1840s before the true scope of the problem became known. Because there were thousands of immigrants passing in Swiss territory every year, no organisation of spies from any Western European government had the means and the will to verify who was doing what in this nest where hundreds of ideologies cohabited. Some tried their chance in America, Africa or the Far East, unfortunately, those who chose the great departure did not include the extremists. Far from it.


The most prominent of those was without contest Jean-Pierre Durasseau. French, member of the hard left of the Red French Party, Durasseau had long considered Danton and his leaders were not going far enough to reform France and erase the upper classes of the nobility and the clergy. In 1847, he published with a small circle of supporters sharing his ideals The Worker's Paradise, a book in which Durasseau wrote his ideas about collectivising France's entire agriculture sector and overthrowing the monarchy to replace it by, in his own words, " a council of the workers". Unfortunately for the Red revolutionary extremist, his own party repudiated him immediately, and even the low-level censorship of the Crown of France rushed in action seeing this book. The Worker's Paradise was banned in ever part of the French colonial empire, and Durasseau only narrowly missed the police sent to his home to arrest him. Durasseau and his circle, much like the famous Voltaire before them, crossed the Swiss frontier to avoid a free travel to the jails of Guyana. They took refuge in the town of Biel in August 1847, where they would recruit the first members of what was going to become the Collectivist Party. With the members of their own party in power in France, it was not surprising Durasseau and his lieutenants found large hurdles on their path to recruit French immigrants. By 1850, the Collectivist faction had nineteen seats at Bern, but most were divided between their German and Italian associates. Durasseau himself died in 1852 in complete anonymity, while different Collectivist leaders fought during the next decade to impose their visions and their own writings.


As dangerous the Collectivists doctrine seemed to be in the 1840s, however, the number of riots and insurrections they were responsible was very low (and those they provoked were largely infighting between Collectivists factions). The Litzists were a very different matter. Headquartered in Davos and several villages in the east of Switzerland, this faction found its origin in a number of veterans who found themselves abandoned in the battle of Constantinople in the Damocles War. Against all odds, some achieved the exploit to come back to territory occupied by the Dual Republic forces. Their reports, by all accounts, were badly received by the authorities, whether political or military, in Regensburg, Vienna and Budapest. Quite a few veterans were arrested, judged for defeatism and/or treason and often convicted to lengthy prison sentences. Having caught the direction of the wind, those who had remained silent hurried to escape in direction of the Swiss mountains. The Litzist ideology was the final result of a combination mixing an extreme Austrian nationalism and the disgust they felt towards a Republic which had betrayed them. As many experts in politics remarked, it had a lot in common with the Directorate of Florida or others "classic" military dictatorship.
Fortunately, the nature itself of the Litzists played against them, as old veterans and new supporters provoked a series of armed riots and public devastation on their own volition. Only five seats went to them in the 1850 election, the Swiss citizens proving reluctant to support a pseudo-military faction having dictatorial tendencies.



The third most dangerous faction was the Atheist Party. To be more accurate, it was gathering a lot of persons of different political inclinations who believed religion was the source of all life problems and had to be eradicated, a notion finding its roots in the atrocities commited in the name of God in Italy, the Balkans, Northern Africa and other continents in the last centuries. Founded in Lugano, this faction did not commit any overt act against Swiss law before 1850, and the major politicians bargained a lot with them in the elections of 1850 and 1850. How bad an idea it was, the government of Bern and the Swiss inhabitants only made the realisation in 1855 when the right wing of the Atheists started criminal operations to burn churches or Protestant places of cults. No matter if the adherents were inside at the same time or not.


Combined with several other horrible actions done by the Collectivists and the Litzists, the major parties of Switzerland finally pushed to forbid the existence of the three parties in question and all things associated with them in the last months of 1855. The army and the police having too great a support at Bern and in the major towns, the banned factions officially disbanded. In reality, while several minor groups ceased to exist, the rest of the leadership went underground and prepared to strike back. Their efforts on the side of legality had failed. Now , it was time to try the other side of the law...

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Considering the insanity that happened in Italy, I'm not at all suprised at a big atheist movement.

Indeed and the Swiss movement is merely the first to be emerge as a political party on the European stage. France, Habsburg Italy, Saxony and other European nations will have ones in the future, through some might stay minor groups. The Old World is spared for the moment from atheism as a political force, but with quantity of immigrants arriving, who knows....
 
For the Europe map, no problem as it is basically the same as Europe in 1843. There have been no change of frontiers or territory purchases. I will repost one for those who don't manage to see it. The world map will take far longer, I've not finished it and there are quite a few chapter until I'm done with the pre-1855 period. After that, I will post it.
Thx.
I'm French, and while I unterstand english, sometimes it's hard and a map clarifies the story.


And given the length of the story, don't you think that a topic "story only" is necessary ?
 
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Thx.
I'm French, and while I unterstand english, sometimes it's hard and a map clarifies the story.


And given the length of the story, don't you think that a topic "story only" is necessary ?

The maps will definitely get done and will go with a regular sum up of the world and European situation in 1855, they will be posted in a few weeks.

This story really need a story only thread, you're right, but these days my job and the rest of real life give me too little time to correct and repost all the existing chapters. If I have the time, I'll do it. I promise ;).
 
The Balkans fires are not totally extinguished (the Balkans and the Ottoman Empire 1843-1855)

With the end of the conflict on the European theatre, the area known as the Balkans was left in a state of indescribable chaos. The Ottoman Empire had lost the war, that much was clear for anyone able to look at a map, but its opponents had not proved strong enough to end the existence of the agonising giant. The Sublime Porte had still territories ranging from Albania to Thrace, while also keeping the largest parts of Macedonia and Bulgaria under its rule. Impressive on a map, the surviving Ottoman Empire was anything but on the ground. What insurrections and rebellions had not destroyed, foreign armies or the local Ottoman authorities had demolished. Theatres like Germany or Scotland had horribly suffered in the Damocles War. The Balkans were a magnitude worse. Roads were in ruins, bridges had been shattered through their foundations, villages and minor towns had been razed from the maps. Far from the ideas of the Industrial Revolution and other technological marvels from the nineteenth century, the Ottoman European territories had to rebuild what they had thought to be taken for granted, and was now not available. Reconstruction promised to be an unpleasant endeavour, further complicated by three issues.


The first and more pressing one was undoubtedly the crisis in leadership at Constantinople. No one wanted a tyrant like the deceased Sultan Mehmed in power, but the Ottoman population woke up after 1843 with something far worse: an extreme political instability which saw most makeshift governments falling from their pedestal before having been approved by the Acting-Caliph. The military officers who were nominated varied between bloodthirsty warmongers and men who told exactly what their superiors wanted to hear. Politicians were dispersed between moderates, religious fanatics and a great majority of persons who had survived Mehmed's purges by approving everything the Sultan wanted. Making these dozens of factions cooperate on a day per day basis would have not been realistic in an absolute monarchy. In the Ottoman Empire ending the 1840s, it resulted in a succession of political paralyses which were sometimes broken when a moderate government climbed to the top for a few days before someone broking a compromise and the situation returning to the initial stage.


The Asian provinces, convinced of the increasing irrelevancy of Constantinople and its leadership, began to form a new political force to serve as a counter-government which was officially named the Turkish Renewal in 1852. It worked... for Ottoman Asia. Having lost Egypt and Palestine to the French and sold its south-eastern territories to the Omani and the Persians, the Ottomans there were in an infinitely better situation than their European counterparts, the core regions being intact and unspoiled by war. Their main naval infrastructure being intact, the Ottomans inhabiting there could and did invest in new technologies and began to reform in depth the tax and law systems. The armies stationed on the eastern frontiers were disbanded, the new governors preferring small-sized professional regulars to the ramshackle and undisciplined mass of untrained conscripts. By 1855, the Ottoman Empire on this side of the Bosphorus was perhaps not the most advanced nation of the world, but had an impressive development rate and the life there was now combining part of the ancestral local traditions with more modern concepts.


By comparison, the European population had it quite bad. Some problems were directly stemming from the second main issue: disunion. As the system which had been the norm for the last century crumbled in the fire of the Damocles War, thousands of Albanians, Bulgarians, Macedonians and other noteworthy Balkanic populations saw from their very eyes what the rewards were for serving loyally the Sublime Porte. Nothing. Or more exactly, worse than nothing: too many of the soldiers having proved loyal to the Sultan never went back home or when they did, they were crippled. Some of the men returning from the conflict had even the sad duty of burying their families at the end of their travels, the epidemics having severely struck the Balkans. The state being completely bankrupt, the veterans never saw a pension paid before 1846, and it was Thrace and Bulgaria areas which saw help from the central government arrive first. Constantinople policies being unable to help theatres like Albania or the Greek lands it still controlled, the upper and lower classes chose among their own to establish a hierarchy. In some cases, it was limited to a town; in others the area under a rather popular "governor" could be in the dozens of square kilometres. By 1847, the Ottoman authorities had sufficiently recovered to send back their own representatives in this forgotten regions but it was long too late. Cities like Tirana or Skopje had become in the mean time important centres of trade, innovation and symbols of counter against the Sublime Porte influence. The men sent to bring back order were frequently welcomed by stones and rifles in the provinces, and forced to stay at their official residences and never receiving a single coin of unpaid taxes.

The third main issue, largely irrelevant in the 1840s but becoming more and more a preoccupation in the 1850s, was the foreign threats. Where before the Age of the Revolutions their name had been Romanovs and Habsburgs, with the Persians as a sparring partner, there were now enemies coming from each direction. The Habsburgs were not an immediate concern anymore, having been exiled to Italy, but the new Republic of Austria-Hungary which had taken its place had revealed itself a far more dangerous opponent, able to play on the nationalism of the persecuted minorities of the Empire. After hostilities ended, the military and political headquarters of Regensburg were still reeling from the shock of the defeat at Constantinople, and the efforts to prepare a new Balkan war had been largely scrapped and the army downsized. After 1852, the Austrians and Hungarian generals garrisoned in Bosnia or Serbia returned to their old hobby of arming insurgents. In this era, it was Albanians and Macedonians who were the privileged interlocutors. Despite efforts of notorious belligerents leaders like Hermann Vogel, the Austrians found themselves unable to convince any major movement to declare its independence quickly. The potential rebels knew they could win in a straight fight against the weak Ottoman armies stationed in Europe but experience told them it was better to wait for the weakened giant to be busy somewhere else. The weapons were stockpiled, although some hot-headed young insurgents executed spectacular terrorist attacks in Sofia and other major cities, causing plenty of casualties.


The cases of Greece and the Tsardom of Transylvania were far more dangerous. Under Maximillian I , the Greek population had started to believe its own propaganda, and now the dream of creating a new Byzantine Empire, better and sturdier, had definitely been explored in their minds. Taking Salonique was not perceived as the exploit of total independence, but the first step on a far greater destiny. Boris I, tsar of Transylvania, had simpler goals: a distant cousin of Nicholas I Romanov, he had been told in diplomatic terms Moscow would welcome with open arms any modification of the Transylvanian frontier southwards, with generous military supplies and "instructors" to sweeten the deal. Neither Greece nor Transylvania were ready in 1855 to fight the Ottoman Empire. Both countries had emerged from the wreckage of the Damocles War with most of their lands barely in better state than the Ottomans, and railroads or for that matter large and good old-fashioned infrastructure was needed before thinking about expansionist moves. Moreover, the economy needed badly investments; a war would most like dissuade businessmen of Western Europe and the New World to make financial deals. There were of course other belligerent nations dreaming to end the history of the Empire, notably Serbia and the Russian Empire. Their support was for the time being quite limited, Serbia because the country was struggling to stabilise its economy and his political system, Russia because the greater part of their efforts was invested in the Transylvanian realm and the Conquest of Central Asia attracted a great part of their attention.


The European newspapers and governments did their best in this decade to ignore the problem paused by the Balkans. In a continent where peace was still a reality, few wanted to re-light the inferno in the Balkans. The ambassadors sent there were more focused in trying to assess the technological and medical innovations, the economic and constitutional advances of the new realms than recruiting agents to see if a new carnage was a possibility and an opportunity. In some ways, it had important benefits for the long-term future of the world. But it would have other consequences too in war and politics, and these ones would not be pleasant at all, the Balkans being a powder keg without the important key characters recognising its importance...
 
The Turks sound like they would be better off economically and standard-of-living-wise if they just let the European territories go. Of course, thats not going to happen without another war/uprising.
 
The Turks sound like they would be better off economically and standard-of-living-wise if they just let the European territories go. Of course, thats not going to happen without another war/uprising.

The inhabitants of the Asian Ottomans territories would be rather happy to see the European territories go away to ease the economic drain. The Ottomans living in Europe of course disagree.

The problem is most of the governement and the senior officers formulating the policies at Constantinople have invested too much propaganda, influence and investment in ensuring these provinces don't secede. Logic would require them to cut their losses right now. In the real world, however, doing this would eject them from power before they had the time to say "coup d'état".

So they are waiting, hoping they can continue this fiction a bit more longer and that they can unite the Empire again should another war start. It's not brilliant, but they're running out of plans, ideas and moneys.
 
Nobles against commoners (Poland 1844-1855)



The last years before 1844 hadn't been exactly a joyous experience for the Kingdom of Poland and every persons living inside its frontiers. The Congress of Lisbon had officially established what everyone in the continent had already known: for the first time since the middle of the eighteenth century, Poland had lost a war. Very badly lost, in fact. While the losses in terms of territories weren't critical, Poland allies on the Eastern front, Finland and Livonia, had been erased from the list of the European military powers for the foreseeable future. Livonia had been entirely annexed by Moscow (save a few islands ) and Finland had lost all the Karelian isthmus and had had the dubious honour of surviving until the Congress with its capital and a third of its pre-war lands under enemy occupation. Poland was as a result far from finished as a Great Power, but the alliance called the Catholic League and created in prevision for this conflict was destroyed, although the greed and the expansionist policies of Ferdinand I of Habsburg Italy had played a major role too.

Joseph III, King of Poland, thus emerged from the Damocles War extremely weakened in terms of influence and executive power. His son, Crown Prince Joseph, had been dismissed by the army early in the war after losing his entire army at Witebsk, a move which had done nothing to boost the popularity of the monarchy, and the king's behaviour during all the conflict was far from exemplar, authorising assassinations, sabotages and others operations without bothering to tell anyone about them before the deeds were done. When the first officers eager to tell good stories began to talk after the last shot of the conflict was fired, it was no exaggeration to say the royal family and its members were heavily criticised in the pamphlets and newspapers in Warsaw, Lodz, Danzig and the rest of the major cities. Riots and vandalism followed, but the population and the military forces were tired, and the sovereign had not grown unpopular enough to justify the bloodbath it would unavoidably require to thrown him out of his throne. That was not to say there was not going hell to pay for this litany of fiascos. Joseph III had too often gone against the advice of his generals, ministers, councillors and more important, his Parliament. The three former groups had been hand-picked by him. The latter was not, and now the men sitting there were screaming for general elections and more legislative power. Usually, the King of Poland would have unleashed on them the full might of his political allies, but at the moment said persons were doing their very best to get out a room when the monarch entered it.

It did not help that Poland in the late 1840s was a nation in full transition, with thousands of families or lone, single young men and women coming in the cities searching a better life or simply employment. The rebuilding efforts had somewhat delayed this transition from 1844 to 1847 , but it accelerated like an avalanche in the years which followed and would continue until the mid-1850s without interruption. Too predictably, not everyone was fully happy on how the situation was unfolding. The men owning the factories and the new industries in Warsaw and the new industrial centres were far too often exploiting their workforce until they lacked the strength to continue and didn't bother to verify if the meagre salary which was the norm was enough to have correct housing and enough food to survive. Unlike France or England where a "popular" party had been in power long enough to pass major reforms, Poland had never formally granted entrance in the legislative or executive part of the government to their low-born citizens, who had to fought (metaphorically speaking ) their way to the benches. The fact that the judiciary branch was at its upper levels under the control of the nobility made sure the powerful had far more chances to triumph in a tribunal than the poor.
Things were changing in society and the circles of power, but the rate was so slow that the workers in the factories could never have remarked it. The resistance to better wages and improved conditions of life for the common worker was stronger in the eastern parts of Poland, more conservative (though the Russian aristocracy made them downright revolutionary in comparison ) but everywhere the men at the top of the hierarchy deliberately used the full power of the bureaucracy and the right to endlessly debate in the Parliament in order to delay reforms as long as humanly possible. The reformists delegates were frustrated, but being largely in the minority in the spheres of power, were only able to advance in small steps. The Prime Minister and the whole government being strong opponents of everything going against the status quo was a large drawback.
Fortunately for the development of laws in Poland, the old laws of the Seljm which allowed every delegate the right of veto had been entirely removed during the reign of Joseph I and Joseph II; otherwise it would have been all too likely many conservative nobles would have played a far more obstructionist position. With reformists gaining ground year by year, through, everyone who was in the know at Warsaw knew that unless the situation changed drastically, the elections of 1857 promised to be particularly unpleasant for the conservatives. The next ones after that would in all likelihood be worse. It was at that moment Joseph III decided to make his general return in politics.

Until 1855, the King of Poland had been as far as removed from power the chief of the government could be. This was not only a case of his allies choosing to abandon him, but also the personality of the sovereign taking an increasing frequency to alienate everyone around him by criticism and severe remarks. As a consequence, Joseph III rarely spoke during a council of his ministers, in most cases telling the introduction and the conclusion of the session and nothing more. On a sunny day of May 1855, it all changed and the monarch began to assert himself again on the affairs of his nation, after more than eight years of sulking and neglect. This was a not so auspicious time for a come-back in the political arena. The reformists factions, taking their support from the middle and low-income classes, were locked in a brutal struggle with the conservatives, the nobles and the wealthy clergymen of the Church( which was still unlike in many countries answering to Rome ). With Pope Alexander IX trying to rally the priests and the members of the clergy more firmly on his side and the Livonian exiled community screaming continuously for revenge against the Russians, the stage was ready for a social crisis Poland had never ever seen.
Joseph III involuntarily lightened it by trying to pass measures to rearm his kingdom; the plans proposing to restore back the army to its 1838-levels and to establish a navy with a solid core of ships of the line. To sweeten the deal and rally all political spectrum to his cause, the sovereign had planned for a large-scaled plan of infrastructure development (including railroads) while at the same time rebuilding quite a few cities with a more "modern Polish" appearance. The crisis exploded as soon as the words left the royal lips. There was quite a large faction of conservatives who didn't want to increase the ranks of the army as they feared it would provoke Russia into a new turn of hostilities ( unlikely with a large portion of the Russian army in Central Asia but not impossible ). The reformists wanted to improve the system of taxes, increase the power of the Parliament and the living standard of every Polish citizen. After the disasters facing Russian gunboats, a significant majority of the generals wished to abandon entirely the idea of a navy. Finally, the infrastructure project had merits but as one political opponent remarked, Joseph III had made this plan on political necessities, not what the nation needed. To keep it short, the King had managed to unite all the political parties against him, and it was effectively a political suicide in all but name. Until his death in 1859, Joseph III would not even assist to the government meetings anymore, being replaced by his eldest son every time.
Of course, the exile of Joseph did nothing to solve the deadlock in which the politics had fallen. Poland had avoided a revolution, but as strikes and protestations spread out in cities like Danzig or Lodz, the nobles left in power knew their time with unparalleled access to power was coming to an end...
 
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