La Transizione Imperfetta - Italy 20 years after fascism

[PolishMagnet]

Sallum: The Battle for a Libyan Arab Republic​

For my next interview, I cross through Gateway Galeazzo into Egypt. In the town of Sallum, Egypt lives a substantial Libyan minority which fled the heavy hand of the OVRA (Fascist Italian secret police). Many Libyan separatists originally fled to the far east, around Tobruk, while others fled south. It was those who fled east that managed to escape into Egypt, and those who fled south were captured and deported to Somalia and Eritrea. Today, the Libyan National Army (Arabic: الجيش الوطني الليبي, al-jaysh al-waṭaniyy al-Lībii) is the most prolific surviving separatist group. Widely considered a terrorist organisation in the West, the LNA split from the Libyan National Movement after the 1982 ceasefire. The continuing resistance was on a much smaller scale, mostly restricted to the eastern border with Egypt. Eventually, even the LNA signed a ceasefire with the Italian government in 2007. Many of its members hiding in Libya have again refused the ceasefire, but their numbers have only dwindled since then.

Badge of the Libyan terrorist group, the Libyan National Army
Top (Arabic): “Libyan National Army”; bottom (Italian): “Continue the Struggle”
1923: Second Italo-Senussi War; 1954: Third Italo-Senussi War
The doubled crescent represents a redoubling of resistance following the LNM/LNA split

The OVRA was officially disbanded in 1994, but many of its members found continued employment in the successor organisation, the SSI (Servizio sicurezza interna, “Internal Security Service”). The effort to destroy Libyan separatism thus continues to this day, and it is hard to find any public support for separatism beyond the occasional bar or sports club with the black Senussi flag. In Egypt and around the world, however, the diaspora widely uses the black banner as their symbol. As my car pulls up to the cafe where I’m to meet my interviewee, I see the deep black flag on either side of the door. Omar Sheghewi, a former LNA rebel, only recently returned to Egypt after living in Turkey for 4 years.

SSI logo – in use since 2007

Q: What was the state of the LNA in 1994?

OS: We were a mess. By then, we’d been fighting the fascists for at least 14 years with no end in sight. It was often said they let out their frustrations on us. It wasn’t so easy for them to kill or torture Italians as it was to do the same to us. We were running out of arms, and we were running out of friends. If a village helped you, they would kill and torture the people there. If the village helped the secret police, they got money or food or whatever.

Q: Weren’t arms coming in through Algeria and Chad?

OS: They stopped. Algeria, you know, they were our friends in the 60s, but they became obsessed with their disputes with Morocco. And Chad, it’s hard to get weapons through there. Even if you sneak some across, it’ll be in very small numbers.

Q: How did things change after fascism ended?

OS: They didn’t really. We were hopeful, because we thought maybe it would be like the USSR collapsing, but it really wasn’t. Things in Libya stayed the same, they just changed a few names, replaced some symbols, and occupation continued. The biggest change was that we suddenly got new members.

Q: And that led to the start of new bombings in the early 2000s?

OS: Right. I didn’t carry out any, but I know people thought it would work. We had inspiration from Ireland, Algeria, and so on. But you have to remember there were other wars that didn’t look so good – the bad endings we saw in Iraq and Israel… Things were a mess for a few years, but you saw it yourself. After the OVRA became the SSI and the media finished talking about it, they came back and did the same tactics as before. The SSI came in and swept us up, kicked us out to East Africa.

Q: Are you referring to the continued use of extradition treaties with Somalia and Harrar?

OS: Yes, a lot of Arab rebels get sent there. They have some prisons out there where the normal laws don’t apply. If you’re bad, they keep you in Libya, but if you’re really bad, they send you to East Africa. Those countries are all friends with Italy, they get money and everyone’s happy.

Q: What was your reaction to the ceasefire in 2007?

OS: It’s over. Everyone is done with separatism now, even the old political movements. The only people left have moved onto “sovereignty first, independence later” – independence groups are illegal under Italian law, and they can arrest you for it.

Q: Do you think the war is over?

OS: No, I don’t. [Prime Minister] Martinazzoli and the unionists have never taken the peace process seriously.

 

[PolishMagnet]

The Albanian Mafia​

Nestled along the stunning shores of the Adriatic Sea, Albania's journey from a totalitarian regime to a budding European democracy has been marked by significant milestones. However, one issue continues to cast a shadow over the nation's progress: corruption.

Wikipedia page for Albania – cut intentional

Albania's turbulent past is inextricably linked with Italy's fascist rule during the early 20th century. The Italian annexation of Albania in 1939 and the subsequent establishment of an Italian monarchy under the House of Savoy-Durazzo laid the groundwork for a complex relationship that would last for decades. The country, although legally under Italian control, managed to maintain a semblance of independence during this period. The true shift came in 1994, when fascism collapsed in Italy. Albania, still under the grip of a fascist government, continued its authoritarian rule for three more years. Only a military coup, supported by King Paolo (or “Pal”), could finally break the shackles of dictatorship and usher in democracy. The monarchy, originally put in place by Fascist Italy, managed to survive thanks to its actions to end the dictatorship. King Viktor, who ascended to the throne in 2011, remains popular today.

Since the end of fascism in 1997, Albania has been on a path of steady improvement. In 2012, the country took a significant step forward by joining the European Union, aligning itself with the aspirations of many Eastern European nations. Economically, Albania has found a footing similar to that of its close neighbors to the east. Although not without its challenges, the nation's economy shows signs of growth and benefits from a burgeoning tourism industry.

Sarandë, Albania – a popular tourist destination

Nonetheless, Albania grapples with a deeply ingrained issue: corruption. This pervasive problem is a direct legacy of the country's fascist past. Many figures from the dictatorship era managed to retain their positions and continued their careers. Most were simply shuffled to different ministries, allowing the corruption they had once perpetuated to persist. To better understand Albania's struggle with corruption, I spoke with Lila Qarri, a dedicated investigative journalist specializing in exposing corruption within the nation. Her work has been instrumental in shedding light on the corruption that has plagued Albania since the establishment of democracy.

At a quiet cafe in Vlorë, I met with investigative journalist Lila Qarri from the political newspaper “Shiko nga afër” (“Closer Look”). A longtime resident of Vlorë, Lila has made it her mission to uncover corruption in politics, corporations, and government institutions. After ordering some tea and coffee, we took our seats at a quiet table in the corner.

Q: How are things in Albania?

Lila Qarri: It's a mix of frustration and determination, to be honest. On one hand, the corruption is deeply embedded, and it sometimes feels like we're fighting an uphill battle. But on the other hand, this fuels my commitment as a journalist. I've seen the impact our work can have. When we uncover corruption, it sparks outrage, and people demand change. That keeps me going, even on the tough days. I believe in our collective power to bring about a more honest and just Albania.

Q: Is it fair to say Albania has a history of corruption?

LQ: Absolutely, and it's a history that still lingers in our present. The roots of corruption run deep, going back to the days of fascism and the dictatorship, when it was institutionalized. While we've made strides, it's an ongoing battle to uproot these deeply ingrained practices. Corruption touches almost every aspect of life here, from politics to business. It's not a label we want, but it's a problem we're committed to fixing.

Note: in Albania, “the dictatorship” is the period between 1994-1997 when the country became de facto independent and remained fascist, in defiance of Italy.

Q: Some people refer to corrupt politicians as “mafia” – do Albanians blame Italy for their current problems?

LQ: It’s true that "mafia" is often thrown around, but it's a reflection of how deep this issue runs. To say it’s blaming Italy is an oversimplification, it’s more like people want to call out the backroom dealings that are ruining the country. When someone calls a politician a “mafia”, they’re telling everyone “don’t trust him, he’s one of the bad ones.” I think these days it’s used a bit too much, and it’s starting to lose meaning, but the intentions are good.

Q: How do Albanians feel about Italy in general?

LQ: It’s complicated. On one hand, they’re our neighbour, partner, and friend with strong cultural ties. Our previous king, King Paul, played a significant part in ending the dictatorship, but he was also made king by Fascist Italy. People sometimes forget we were invaded. Italy took over and set up the various government offices and institutions that continue to run the country, making backroom deals and accepting bribes. And of course you have fascist youth today who think the dictatorship was good – that Italy helped us, and that’s why our borders include Kosova and Tetovë. As I said, it’s complicated.

Q: And how do they feel about the other ex-Yugoslav countries?

LQ: [Laughs] Also complicated. The history of that partition and the subsequent years of Italian influence created a degree of resentment. Yugoslavia was a country of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, and they fought with the Germans against us, since we were fighting with the Italians. Old wounds run deep. However, younger generations are more likely to focus on moving forward and mending these relationships. Time, economic ties, and shared challenges have helped improve our connections with them.

Q: Has the economic situation improved much since 2012? How is the country doing?

LQ: We've seen steady growth, but we should note that the benefits of this economic growth are not always distributed evenly. While major cities like Tirana have seen substantial improvements in infrastructure and services, some rural areas still face economic challenges. So, there's a sense of progress, but there's also work to be done in making these improvements more equitable. In the city, there are international chains, but much of the countryside is the same as it was under fascism.

Q: Do you have hope for the future?

LQ: I do. We’ve made remarkable progress since the end of fascism, and we are part of the European Union, but there's also a sense of responsibility among the younger generation. We've seen the impact of corruption, and unlike before, people are more willing to fight back. So, yes, I'm hopeful that Albania will continue to move forward.

Albanian flag used during Italian rule (1939–1994)
Note: This flag appears both with and without the Italian crown.

Albanian flag used during the dictatorship (1994-1997)
Note the crown of Italy is removed, the crown of Skanderbeg is gold, and the House of Savoy motto is removed

Albanian flag today (1997–)

 

[PolishMagnet]

Montenegro or Crnagora?​

In 1991, the Kingdom of Montenegro made a bold move by breaking ranks from Italian fascist influence. Under the leadership of King Nicholas II and Prime Minister Mirko Vraneš, the country followed Hungary's example and decided to open its border to Croatia. This move not only marked Montenegro as the first country in the Fascist Bloc to open its borders but also initiated the process of democratization. The country held its inaugural election in 1993, where the incumbent Vraneš and his new political party, "Integrity" (Crnagoran: Интегритет, Integritet), were re-elected. Despite sharing many familiar faces with the old fascist government, the Integrity party accelerated its reform efforts, with the goal of transforming the country into a democratic parliamentary monarchy.

Wikipedia page for Montenegro

However, the journey didn't quite unfold as initially envisioned. While the economy was opened up, and the country began to disentangle itself from Italian influence, democracy faced setbacks. Media laws were introduced, making it illegal to disseminate "false reports" or "hearsay," with journalists often facing fines for running stories critical of the government. Mirko Vraneš remained in power, eventually nominating Veljko Đukanović as his successor. The transition of power occurred without any significant hiccups, and the country remained under the same political party's rule that had been in place since 1993.

Nonetheless, changes were afoot. Đukanović boldly altered the country’s official name to reflect its native name, "Crnagora,” a move seen as a rejection of the name "Montenegro," which was perceived as colonialist. Social support programs experienced reductions, and international companies began to establish their presence in the country. Statues commemorating various aspects of Crnagora's history and culture began to emerge, while unemployment rates continued to rise.

Integrity party logo

In the heart of Kotor, a city known for its Italian naval base and a renowned old town, I met with Milo Vukotić. A high school math teacher, he was an early member of the Integrity party during the historic 1993 campaign. As time passed, he grew increasingly disenchanted with the political landscape, finally leaving the party and switching to the new anti-corruption People’s Movement party (Crnagoran: Народни покрет, Narodni pokret).

People’s Movement party logo – currently the head of the “New Crnagora” opposition coalition

Q: Can you describe how you felt in the leadup to the 1993 elections?

Milo Vukotić: I felt like I was caught up in something much bigger. There was this buzz in the air, a feeling that we were about to make history. It was like being part of an exciting adventure, and we were all hopeful for what the future might bring. I took time off from teaching to help Integrity campaign in Kotor and Podgorica.

Q: What was the opposition like, at the time?

MV: The opposition, well, they had a lot to say. There was a strong feeling that Integrity was just a fresh coat of paint on the old fascist government, and to be honest, it was hard to argue otherwise. Our defence was built on [Prime Minister] Vraneš’s past reforms, but many people couldn't get past the fact it was all familiar faces. They raised valid points: if we had the chance to get a fresh start, why shouldn’t we? It was a challenging time, and looking back on it, I think they were right. The Integrity party won the majority of votes, but it was a thin margin. I think it was only about 39% for Integrity against 36% for the opposition coalition.

Q: When did you leave Integrity to vote for other parties?

MV: Well, my perspective began to shift in the early 2000s, just before we joined the EU. It seemed that once the country had achieved democratisation then it was “good enough”. Integrity started consolidating its power, absorbing smaller parties to get a majority just as we got into the EU (in 2005). And then, once we were in, they did it more aggressively. They had portrayed themselves as champions of democracy, coasted on that, then started rolling back. I realised their main interest was maintaining a hold on power, not expanding freedom. So, I'd say it was around 2006 that I stopped supporting them. I suppose it was good timing, so I could vote against them that year.

Q: If Integrity has reversed course, why haven't they been voted out?

MV: That's a great question. It's a bit complicated. Even though the Integrity party appeared to backtrack on their earlier democratic promises, they still held a significant base of support. Part of this was due to their earlier achievements in opening up the country, improving the economy, and, of course, their role in guiding Montenegro to EU membership.

Q: Would you say voter apathy is an issue?

MV: There's a sense of resignation among many voters. Over the years, as Integrity won again and again, people became disheartened and felt that their voices weren’t heard. I would say young voters are more vocal, but we’ll need to wait until 2016 to see if that’s true.

Q: What’s your position on the name change issue?

MV: Well, you know, I'm a bit torn. On one hand, I understand the sentiment behind the name change, wanting to embrace our native identity and get rid of what's seen as a "colonialist" name. But on the other hand, it sometimes feels like a distraction from the more pressing issues we face as a nation. We never used the name “Montenegro” in our own language, so it’s more of a foreign policy issue.

Q: How do people feel about the monarchy?

MV: Well our royal family was originally from here, but they were invited back by Italy after the [Yugoslavian] partition. They don’t have much influence anymore, and King Michael IV is generally more of a symbolic figure. I don't see him as a real player in our politics, but I know some people see him as a puppet of Italy, given the historical ties. That being said, opinions on the monarchy vary widely. Some people still hold a deep respect for the institution and its history.

Q: Does the country still feel tied to Italy?

MV: Today, the government is more focused on domestic issues, arguing with Europe, money, and so on. We appreciate our historical connections with Italy, but our priorities are more aligned with European integration. I think most people want to move away from Italy and towards Germany.

Q: Looking to the future, are you optimistic?

MV: It's hard to say I'm entirely optimistic, given the current state of affairs, but I haven’t given up yet. The political situation and the erosion of freedom of speech have left many of us worried. Having said that, I do believe that change is possible. I still turn up to vote, don’t I?

Flag of Montenegro during WWII

Flag of the Kingdom of Crnagora (1946–present)

Naval ensign

 

[PolishMagnet]

Dubrovnik: Push and Pull​

Croatia, a nation historically known for its diverse cultural tapestry, has faced its share of challenges in the post-World War II era. The year 1946 saw Croatia partitioned between Italy and the Soviet Union, each vying for influence over the remnants of Yugoslavia. Eventually, an agreement emerged where the newly-formed United Nations joined forces with these occupying powers to establish the Allied Commission for Croatia, paving the way for the creation of a new Federal Republic with its capital in Knin. Croatia occupied a unique position during the Cold War, enjoying support from the Soviet Union, Italy and the United States, as well as maintaining an independent foreign policy that set it apart on the world stage.

Wiki page

While diplomatic maneuvers were crucial on the international stage, it was internal politics that posed the most significant challenge. The initial Croatian government was a delicate balance of communists and nationalists representing the three major ethnic groups – Croatians, Bosnians, and Serbs. The federal structure of the republic meant that any contentious issue, if blocked by one of these groups, often resulted in legislative gridlock, yielding a feeble central government with limited political control. Eventually, the fervor for independence boiled over, leading to the “100 Days” – the period when Italian and Soviet forces re-entered the country to prevent its collapse at the hands of the Croatian fascists, the Ustashe. Eventually tensions cooled, and the country devolved itself completely in order to calm tensions. However, calls for renaming the country continued, with Serbs and Bosnians expressing their dissatisfaction.

The famous beaches of Dubrovnik

As I arrived in Dubrovnik via the picturesque coastal highway, I met my next interviewee: Vanja Srnec. At only 31 years old, he has already earned recognition in political circles for his activism and dedication to reshaping Croatia. He leads the "Nova Unija" (New Union) party, and despite participating in just two elections, they have secured a remarkable one-third of all parliamentary seats.

Nova Unija party logo - the upward-facing star and crescent is the unofficial logo of the Illyrian movement

Vanja's vision for Croatia is a refreshing departure from traditional ethnic divisions. His party strives to break down the barriers that have separated Croats, Serbs, Bosnians, and other ethnicities for generations. The New Union movement, propelled by a younger generation, is based on the concept of a shared identity, emphasizing unity over division. They envision an Illyrian-inspired identity, reflecting a rich historical context while focusing on the region as a whole. This vision seeks to shift the country away from divisive politics, fostering greater integration and inclusivity.

When asked about the "rebel" label sometimes attached to his party, Vanja underscores that New Union is not anti-establishment for the sake of it. Instead, they are driven by a commitment to fixing the country's issues rather than leaving them broken. He emphasizes the party's democratic, peaceful approach and points to increasing voter turnout among the younger population as evidence of their positive influence. New Union's growing popularity in opinion polls raises the prospect of potential electoral success, a prospect that both excites and humbles Vanja. As they march forward, his primary goals are clear: a name change for the country and recognition of the victims of the tumultuous "100 Days" that marked Croatia's turbulent post-World War II era.

Q: To start, how are things in Croatia?

VS: They’re not bad. [laughs] The problem is, things have been “not bad” for a really long time. When the war ended, they wanted to put together a compromise state so the country wouldn’t go one way or the other, and so nobody would start a war. Croatia was built to be a country stuck fighting itself quietly.

Q: And that’s where your “New Union” party steps in?

VS: Exactly. We all have our backgrounds, right? Serb, Dalmatian, Croatian, Slovene, Bosnian… but we’ve lived in this country together for generations already. We have that in common, and everyone is mixed together. I even asked a friend of mine if he could tell me to my face if his hometown was Serb or Bosniak, and he didn’t have an answer. These days, there is a shared identity. The politicians, though, they’re all from the old parties – they focus on that, the “I’m a Serb, you’re a Croat” and the Sabor (Croatian parliament) gets stuck. They spend all their time fighting over funding for this ban (state/province) or that ban, when they should work together. New Union is all about that common identity, and we need to change the government to use it.

Q: What exactly is this “shared identity”?

VS: A lot of people made fun of me when I started saying it, but I think deep down they get it. I came up with it in college, and our basketball team started using it. We say “Illyrian” but obviously it’s not really set in stone. It’s from the Roman Empire, right? They used the name in the Habsburgs times as a unity thing, everyone who was “Slavic” was working together against oppression. It was less of a word for people, and more of a word for the region, and I think that fits for us. We were really different before, always fighting, but now we have a kind of unity. And it comes from where we live.

Q: People have connected the New Union party to fascism and even communism, what’s your response?

VS: The “fascism” accusation comes from the marches, I think. People see flags and symbols they haven’t seen before, and they think it’s fascism. A lot of our supporters are younger, so I think they draw the conclusion that we are anti-establishment. “Communism” is a rarer one, and it’s probably from the anti-establishment angle.

Q: Are you not anti-establishment?

Vanja smiles sheepishly and shrugs. He pulls up an article on his phone and shows it to me – voter turnout percentage by age in federal elections, with every election where New Union participated having higher numbers. The turnout was especially high among those 35 and under.

VS: It’s not a matter of anti-establishment or pro-establishment, it’s a matter of “do we leave things broken” or “do we fix them”. If we were “anti-establishment”, or hooligans like they call us sometimes, we would be running around smashing cars.

Q: Your party is currently winning in opinion polls – do you think you’ll win the next election?

VS: We might, and it’s kind of scary, you know? It’s an excitement that has me almost shaking. We have a lot of great people who are working hard to keep the dream alive, and if we win even more seats next election, it’ll be thanks to them. I can’t take credit for this myself.

Q: What’s the first thing you’ll do when you get to power?

VS: It’s all on our website, but the very top of the agenda is the name change and recognition of the victims of the 100 Days. Next, of course, is restructuring. If we’re all Illyrians, then there’s no sense in splitting everything on ethnicity. We’re all family, and families need to work together.

Flag of the Independent State of Croatia,
Also the flag of the Federal Republic of Croatia

Flag of Croatia under Ustashe rule (during the Hundred Days),
note the inverted checkerboard pattern and added Ustashe logo

edit: fixed croatian wiki page, thanks to Symeon20

 

[PolishMagnet]

Sarajevo and the Legacy of Separatism​

In Croatia, a federal state of equal devolved states, many have grown tired of constant fighting at the national level. To those following the Illyrian Movement and the New Union party, the solution is unitary government. To others, the solution is further division. While Croatia currently maintains control over education, policing, and symbols, many Serbs and Bosniaks (Croatia’s muslim minority) would like to see those powers moved down to the state level. Why should Croatia, one of the three ethnic groups, control what the other two groups do? This issue is exactly what led to the 100 Days, the bloody period of Croatian history where the fascist Ustashe seized control of the government by force and began a reign of terror to imprison, kill, or expel all non-Croatians.

Left: Army of the Republic of Serbia (left, Serbian separatists 1948–1971)
Right: Slobodna Zemlja (right, Bosniak separatists 1948–1971)

The memory of those hard days persists in the minds of many, especially the Bosniak and Serb minorities. Low-level terrorism continued well into the 1950s and 1960s, with the Army of Serbia and Slobodna Zemlja being the main two groups. Violence finally ended in 1971 with the New Years truce, when the federal structure was further entrenched with guaranteed seats for minorities in the Sabor (Croatian parliament).

Left: Pro-amnesty poster: “Peace in Croatia – The amnesty is for OUR and YOUR future. Let hate die.”
Right: Anti-amnesty poster: “Who will tell her, her father’s murder walks free? No justice. No peace.”

Despite widespread protest from the Croatian right, the amnesty passed and was largely successful. The struggle for autonomy and independence has continued, though now it takes a much more peaceful tone. Among the four largest parties, two of them are separatist. The Free Serb Alliance (SSS / Slobodni Srpski Savez) and Together for Bosnia (ZZB / Zajedno! Za Bosnu) often cooperate in the Sabor to get more concessions, butting heads with the Social Democrats and New Liberals.

Left: Logo of the Free Serbia Alliance (1968–present)
Right: Logo of the “United! For Bosnia” party (1992–present)

In this way, the “Anti-Croatian Coalition” as they are called colloquially, are a much bigger roadblock to New Union and their vision of the future. To get a better picture of where non-Croatians stand on the issue, I went to Sarajevo to meet with Branko Jahović. Branko is the ZZB candidate for the city, and has been for the last 10 years despite only winning one term. He agreed to meet me “as long as there was alcohol involved” and so we met up that day outside a Kafana in Baščaršija.

The main square outside the Baščaršija bazaar

Q: Hi Branko, thanks for having me.

BJ: No problem. It’s a pleasure to talk with someone who recognises the Bosniak identity.

Q: To start, how are things in Sarajevo?

BJ: They’re good. Very good, if you’re looking from the outside. Things are obviously better than the 70s, but since the amnesty, things have kept going the same way – Croatian businesses dominate us. Bosniaks are the ones who suffer.

Q: But aren’t Bosniak businesses also Croatian?

Branko laughed cynically and wagged a finger at me. A server came by to give us beers, and our conversation continued.

BJ: When I say Croatian, I mean Croatian. It’s not the same, and you know you can get in a fight if you say it is.

I put my hands up to show my apology, and opened our beers.

Q: Why are Croatian businesses able to dominate Bosniak areas?

BJ: It’s like… you know when you have some coworker, he’s a piece of… not a nice guy? You would say, ‘okay, let’s fire him,’ but then you find out he’s the boss’s son. It’s like that here. Even if Bosniaks have guaranteed seats in the Sabor, we don’t control the Sabor. A lot of things around here are controlled from the federal level.

Q: Speaking of the federal level, ZZB usually works with the SSS to push through reforms. Why hasn’t that happened here?

BJ: Hah! Well, when I say Bosniaks are more unemployed, I mean more than Croats and Serbs both. Usually, yes, we work together, but on this issue, they don’t want to help us. They think helping us get more Bosniak jobs means less jobs for Serbs.

Q: Do you think unemployment is the reason ZZB is losing the youth vote?

BJ: I do. You can see it on the streets, there are more teenagers and young adults who have lost faith in the system. This democratic process was meant to let us fight peacefully, but now they see it’s not working, and they want to go back to fighting. To a lot of them, fighting looks like it worked.

Here Branko is referring to the rise of Bosniak and Serbian rebel gangs which style themselves as freedom fighters. The most prominent Bosniak rebel gang is the Blue Cadets, who use the old medieval coat of arms of Bosnia.

Logo of the Blue Cadets (2005–present)

Q: What do you think of the Illyrian movement and the New Union party?

BJ: My honest answer is that it’s disguised colonialism. The whole idea of “Illyrian” identity is Croatian with extra steps. They want one identity, so to me, they’re no different to the Ustashe. Okay, maybe they’re a little bit nicer.

Q: What are your thoughts on the Bosniak movement? Do you think Bosnia will be free one day?

BJ: I don’t expect us to be free by the end of the week, month, or year, but so long as we move just one inch closer, that’s good to me. Many people died in the struggle for what we have today, and I think avoiding more bloodshed is in everyone’s best interests.

-------
Note: I tried to avoid using OTL logos and insignias, especially because I know Yugoslavia is still a sensitive topic and because some of those groups are still around. The only real historical logos are the Army of Republika Srpska and the Croatian Defense Army used in the anti-amnesty poster.

 

[PolishMagnet]

No chapter today

 

[PolishMagnet]

Hey everyone, sorry I've been away. Here are two more posters I made for the anti-federalism side in Croatia. I'll put out a regular chapter next week.

"Before treaty - 1971"
"After treaty - 1972"

"Within and without"
"One Croatia without borders"

 

[PolishMagnet]

A New Hope? Slovenia under new leadership​

View from Celje Castle

In the picturesque landscapes of Slovenia, a country with a tumultuous history, the echoes of the fascist era still resonate. For almost five decades, the specter of authoritarian rule loomed large, overshadowing the dreams of independence and a democratic future. The monarchy, once considered an unwelcome imposition by Italy, became a symbol of struggle against the fascist government, attempting to curb its excesses. King Anton I took the throne in 1946 unwillingly, but slowly warmed up to the country and its people.

Leon “Lev” Rupnik, first dictator of Slovenia

The country finally had its independence, but was quickly shackled to Italy and its Fascist Bloc. Leon Rupnik, general of the Vaške Straže (Village Sentries), became Slovenia’s dictator. Ruling the country with an iron fist, he passed the country to his son, Vuk Rupnik, who in turn passed it to his son Gregorij. Unlike his predecessors, Gregorij was wholly unsympathetic to the monarchy. All concessions which had been given at the behest of the monarchy were rolled back, and the country entered a dark period of strict repression. It was only in 1994, motivated by Montenegro and Italy abandoning fascism, that the liberal wing of the fascist party overthrew Rupnik in the August Coup. Slovenia's transition to a democratic state marked the beginning of a new chapter, characterized by political openness, civil liberties, and a reinvigorated economy.

While Slovenia is considered one of the freest democracies of the former fascist bloc, it still suffers from corruption

However, beneath the successful transition to democracy, Slovenia grappled with the scars of its past. Much like Montenegro and Albania, the country had a quiet trend of deep-rooted corruption that remained from the end of fascism. It was not until 2012, when protests erupted in Celje over the corruption of city mayor Janko Redna. The protests spread to Ljubljana and Maribor, and later to the rest of the country, leading to snap elections that ousted the ruling SDS (Slovene Democratic Party / Slovenska demokratska stranka). The new government, a wide coalition under the name SiLA, promised a thorough breath of fresh air across the country, rooting out corruption everywhere it could find.

Logos of the SDS (left) and SiLA (right)

While the extent of the anti-corruption campaign has been much smaller than many had hoped, the new government under Majda Sepe remains generally popular. In Celje, on the second anniversary of the start of the Celje Protests and the 20th anniversary of the fall of fascism, people on the streets are eager to give their opinions.

For many, the changes are new and welcome, but they are still received with cautious optimism. Anja Kovač, a 32 year-old teacher, says, “It’s good to see the government taking steps against corruption. I don’t know if anything will come of it, but it’s a good start. Let’s hope it continues.”

Others see both sides of the changes. After all, SiLA is a left-wing social democratic alliance. Matej Novak, a 45 year-old phone repair shop owner, says, “I’ve seen change since the protests. Business is smoother, less bureaucracy to worry about, but taxes have gone up.”

Still others see the change as negative; the firmly left-wing stance of the new ruling party, which has taken aim at the monarchy over its anti-democratic nature, has earned it a small amount of backlash. Luka Potočnik, a 38 year-old coffee shop owner, says, “I like SiLA, I like Majda and her new government, but I think they are losing focus. They started talking about the king, and changing wording in the constitution, but why? It’s not important right now.”

The last quote riled up another patron, a younger man by the name of Marko Jovanović. Kavarna Potočnika (Potočnik’s Cafe) is set right off the main square in Celje’s old town, and as such it attracts a wide selection of local conversation. Gone are the old days of more quiet talk avoiding politics, the atmosphere in Slovenia since 2012 is forever changed.

A view from outside Kavarna Potocnika, in Celje's old town

Marko, a 28 year-old IT professional, inserts himself into my conversation with the owner. “I would agree, in general, with Mr. Potočnik’s position. My problem is, especially now when we talk about austerity. The EU is in love with austerity. Here, and there, and everywhere, we need to save our money and be smart about it. So let’s do that,” he says, animated by the chance to talk politics with a foreign journalist.

Luka shakes his head, but Marko continues, “why are we paying 70 million euros for a family that does nothing? It’s not just the king, either, it’s his whole family.” He scoffs and points to himself, “I wish my company paid for my whole family.”

Marko’s position here holds water – the Slovenian monarchy costs the country about 67 million euros per year. As required by law, the royal family of Savoy-Ljubljana is required to announce its official grants and expenditure. The figure is also a generous one, as it does not include what many republicans call the “museum tax” from royally-owned historical sites which the government receives no money from.

Q: Does that mean you are a republican?

M: Well of course, it’s the only sane position here. The real issue is that nobody seems to care. They all just think “that’s how it is” and move on to other things.

Q: Why do you feel more strongly about this, then?

M: For me, it’s about moving into the future. Look at all the successful countries in the EU – France? A republic. Germany? A republic. England is the one exception, and I really don’t think we can compare ourselves to England.

Q: Some people say that the Italian ancestry of the monarchy is another reason to abandon it. Would you agree?

M: Who cares? If I did, I would probably agree with you, but it’s really not the issue here. Honestly, I think a bigger issue is when people bring up the fascist era. Some older folks love to talk about how “the king stopped them from doing this” or “the king said this during the fascist era, how brave” as if he could have actually done something. Please. They could have shot him at any point, so he played along.

Q: What is your impression of the new government, then? Do you think they will bring real change?

M: I think it’s like everything – it will change slowly. There was a big breakthrough with the protests, then they came to power and changed some things, and slowly now they’ll become corrupt themselves. Maybe in 2023 we’ll have another round of protests, and maybe then we’ll have enough decent change.

 

[PolishMagnet]

Austrians vote to legalise gay marriage​

In a turn not expected by most analysts, 61.2% of Austrians voted in favour of expanding marriage to include gay and lesbian couples. Austria is the first country in the world to legalise same-sex marriage through popular vote.

The decision was welcomed by Prime Minister Peter Seidl, whose Progressive Party campaigned in favour of the “yes” vote, and quietly accepted by the opposition Future Alliance party. It marks another massive change in Austrian society since the end of fascism in 1994.

Logo of the Austrian Progressive Party, which came to power in 2006 after the reigning Social Democratic party was ousted.

While Austria historically had a deep connection between the state and the Catholic Church, under the fascist regime of Karl Schuschnigg, these ties were deepened. Austrian national identity was tied to Catholicism to further differentiate it from Germany, and the church enjoyed unchecked influence. Any potential controversies were covered up, and individuals who suffered abuses were silenced. That was until 1994.

Fascist Austria's border fences, on the border with Germany and recently democratic Hungary, were symbolically cut and dismantled in 1994 after the government agreed to hold democratic elections

As Austria grappled with its past, discussions around freedom and individual rights came to the fore, and gay rights were no different. Advocacy groups and activists, buoyed by the spirit of democracy, played a pivotal role in challenging the traditionalist views propagated during the fascist era. The legalisation of civil unions in 2010 was a significant milestone, setting the stage for the 2014 referendum.

Similar to countries like Ireland and Italy, gay rights advocates in Austria faced strong opposition from conservative factions, especially those rooted in the historical alliance between the state and the Catholic Church. The Church, once a powerful force in shaping public opinion, found itself at odds with the changing social landscape. Tied to the legacy of fascism and its brutal repression, church attendance steadily dropped. Controversies emerged as traditionalists sought to resist the evolving norms of equality and acceptance.

Results map of the referendum

On the streets of Vienna, I asked some locals for their thoughts on the referendum. Among them were Ernst and Friedrich, two retired pensioners who held opposing views on the matter. Ernst spoke first, eager to share his thoughts on politics,

“Back then, life was different. Sure we didn’t have so much choice in the stores, but there was a sense of stability. You didn’t have to worry about your company going under, or whether you could find a house, and you didn’t have to go do all this voting. For what? Are they making things better?” He left the question open, but shook his head to answer for us. His friend Friedrich shook his head, this time in disagreement.

“Maybe there was a sense of stability, but it was just hiding problems we weren’t allowed to see,” He wagged his finger as if giving a lecture, first to me and after to Ernst. “Change is uncomfortable, but it’s important. This referendum doesn't affect me, but it’s a sign that more is changing, that the country is opening up. No more hiding. If there are problems in our country, we need to know all the facts and work together to fix them.”

Ernst waved his hands dismissively, then crossed his arms.

“I’m not saying we can’t change anything, but this referendum business is sacrificing our traditional values. Twenty years ago, thirty years ago, when we had questions like this, we looked at the Bible. The church is there for you.”

Friedrich scoffed and, using a newspaper he’d had rolled up under his arm, wagged again at Ernst. Perhaps he thought the added instrument would give more strength than just a finger.

“The church! The church was there for us with all those shameful things they did. We both read the paper, and I know you’ve seen all the reports. Lord knows if we’ll uncover everything they hid.”

Austria stands at a crossroads, a juncture where the echoes of the past mingle with the aspirations of the present. The recent referendum serves as a beacon of change, illuminating a path towards openness and resilience. As the nation navigates this delicate dance between tradition and transformation, it does so with the echoes of history and the anticipation of a future shaped by both nostalgia and progress. The dialogue continues, etching the narrative of Austria's journey in the evolving chapters of time.


---
Note: I didn't originally plan to cover Austria, somehow forgetting it was part of Italy's fascist bloc... in any case, I hope this chapter was interesting enough, and not too short.

 

[PolishMagnet]

Slovenians in Italy​

After spending much time in the footprint of Italy, I finally make my way into Italy by way of Austria. The last leg of my journey will be a simple drive through Italy, from Gorizia in the north to Napoli in the south.

My next interview is in Gorizia (Slovene: Gorica), one of the many Italianised cities that had once been majority slav. From the rise of fascism in 1922 to its fall in 1994, the Italian state forcibly assimilated and deported most non-Italians, and despite this, the language still holds on in certain parts of the region. On the Viale XX Settembre, my taxi pulls over in front of the Lojze Bratuž Cultural Centre. The white building still looks new, though it was built in 1998, and its windows are spotless. Great care has been put into keeping the place clean.

Entering into the lobby, I’m greeted by the director, 43 year-old Mateja Kovač. She’s accompanied by a few younger men and women, who all smile and shake my hand. After some brief introductions, I learn that these are university students volunteering at the centre. Mateja is the second director of the cultural centre since its opening, with its first director having just passed away two years ago.

Once the pleasantries are out of the way, we make our way to a small meeting room. “We can get settled in here, I’ll ask someone to bring us coffee soon,” she says. The room has no windows, but it has good soundproofing and a mix of modern and traditional landscape art on the walls. The table is a sturdy piece of finished wood, not cheap but also nothing exotic.

Q: Mrs. Kovač, I have to say the cultural centre is quite nice. Would you mind if I asked who funded its construction?

Mateja Kovač: It was a collaborative effort within the Slovene community. We also received a small grant from King Anton II of Slovenia.

Q: How are relations between the Slovene community here and the Kingdom of Slovenia?

MK: It depends. Relations between the community and Slovenia are quite strong, especially in recent years, but many are critical and question the monarchy’s role in crimes committed under fascism. Of course, those crimes were mainly perpetrated by the fascist government of Italy, and today we receive a lot of support from Slovenia.

Q: What is the current situation for the Slovenian community in Italy?

MK: It’s a mix of progress and ongoing challenges. Slovenian was recognised as a historical minority language in 1999, but we’re struggling against the inertia of fascist-era policies. Of course, now we can openly promote our language and culture. Slovenian language is taught in schools, but we don’t have adequate representation in the government or media.

Q: How does Slovene language education work in Italy?

MK: Well, here in Venezia Giulia, Slovene language is offered as an optional class in most schools. Parents can also choose to send their children to Slovene primary and secondary schools, but not everyone lives somewhere that has them.

Q: I noticed on my way here that there are bilingual signs in this neighbourhood. Are those everywhere in the region, or just a few places?

MK: Not everywhere, but usually anywhere with a significant Slovene community. Especially when you leave the city, it’s common to see towns and villages with bilingual signs.

Bilingual sign in Postregna, in Venezia Giulia

Q: How do people feel about their Slovene identity after the fall of fascism?

MK: Many, especially the older generations who experienced oppressive policies of the fascism, have a renewed sense of pride. Since fascism ended in Slovenia as well, it’s easier for them to feel a real connection to their heritage. Others, especially the younger generation, are only learning about these things now. They grew up in an italianised environment, and usually felt alienated from their communities. Many of them are shocked and angry about what happened, while others want to move on.

Q: You spoke about younger Slovenians feeling alienated, do you think the Italian government’s stance on reconciliation has helped alleviate it, or made it worse?

MK: It’s a contentious issue. Some people appreciate the policy reversals from the late 90s, especially the new language and cultural rights we received, but others feel it’s fallen short. The lack of a concrete apology or investigations into exact figures of deaths and deportations has led to many feeling angry.

Q: Do you think this is connected to the recent revival of extremist groups like TIGR?

TIGR (an acronym of Trst/Trieste, Istra/Istria, Gorica/Gorizia, Reka/Fiume), full name Revolutionary Organisation of the Julian March T.I.G.R. (Slovene: Revolucionarna organizacija Julijske krajine T.I.G.R.) was an anti-fascist insurgent organisation active between 1927 and 1941. A revival group was founded as a political party in 2007 to represent anti-fascist Slovenes in Italy, particularly in Venezia Giulia (Julian March).

TIGR rally in Basovizza, near Trieste

MK: Yes, but I think we should see it as a symptom of the problem rather than a solution.

Q: Do Slovenes see unification of Venezia Giulia with Slovenia as possible?

Mateja smiles, but shakes her head.

MK: The idea might be a symbolic goal, it’s highly unlikely. Both states are part of the EU, and any territorial changes would revive old issues like Kraljevica[1] and Zara[2].

[1] Kraljevica is Slovenia’s sea access corridor, which cut off Croatia from bordering Italy. Claimed by nationalist Croatians.
[2] Zara is Italy’s enclave in Dalmatia, surrounded by Croatia. Claimed by nationalist Croatians.

Q: Going back to language, do you think the Slovene language is recovering or continuing to decline?

MK: The language still faces pressure from Italian dominance, and the younger generation is often more limited in their proficiency due to social factors, but efforts to promote Slovene schools and programs are definitely working. I think improving community engagement and fostering a sense of connection will help maintain the growing number of Slovene speakers.

Q: How do the situations in Venezia Giulia and other Slovene areas of Italy compare?

MK: Venezia Giulia is a bit different, with a higher population and large urban centres like Trieste and Gorizia, but we share the same laws and cultural institutions. Having more people means we have a greater voice, and having people in the city means it’s easier to organise new initiatives or organise resources.

Q: Last question - would you ever consider moving to Slovenia?

MK: Personally, I feel connected to the Slovene community here. I’m committed to supporting it and keeping it alive, and I can’t imagine leaving it behind. Maybe living in Slovenia would have its appeal, but I believe my role here at the cultural centre is more important.

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note: it's not dead, I promise!!

 

[PolishMagnet]

Milan’s Post-Fascist Youth​

Milan, a city with a rich history dating back millennia, has also played a significant role in Italy's complex 20th-century history. As Italy transitioned from a fascist regime to a democratic nation in 1994, Milan’s youth found themselves grappling with the legacy of the Years of Lead, the turbulent period from 1976 to 1994 characterized by political violence and extremism. In the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, extreme views have once again come to the forefront, and the youth of Milan are left to grapple with the consequences.

Milan in 2013

During the fascist regime of Mussolini, communism, and any form of leftist political activity, was brutally suppressed. Labour unions were dismantled, socialist parties were outlawed, and opposition figures faced persecution, imprisonment, and even execution. The totalitarian state was unrelenting in its mission to eradicate left-wing ideologies. The crackdown continued, even escalating, after the assassination of the first Duce by the obscure communist Angelo Sbardellotto. Italo Balbo, himself the former head of the Blackshirts, redoubled Mussolini’s efforts to imprison, punish, and exile leftists.

Anti-fascist Youth organisation badge – in use since 1977

In recent years, there has been a noticeable resurgence of both leftist and fascist political movements and socialist ideologies, particularly among the youth. Leftists had already held muted celebrations in the decade after fascism fell, but support for fascism had always kept quiet to avoid hostility. Since 2008, those quiet voices have become loud. The city of Milan has witnessed numerous demonstrations and protests advocating for workers' rights, income equality, and social justice. However, this resurgence is not without its challenges. In speaking with local students, it's evident that the city’s youth are driven by a desire for change and an unwavering commitment to combating social injustices.

After wading into one particular student protest outside the university, I question some of the students on why they’re protesting. Lucia Bianchi, a 21-year-old humanities student, expresses, "We cannot ignore the past, but we must build a better future. Fascism left scars on our country, and it's time we address the issues that have been painted over." Nearby, several of his colleagues nod in agreement. Marco Esposito, an engineering student from Salerno, adds, "We believe that the real trauma of the fascist years and the corruption that continued from it has never been truly addressed. The resurgence of fascist parties is just another reminder that we must confront our history to move forward."

When the protest began to settle in front of city hall, I took the chance to sit down with Enzo Pelizzari – a 22-year-old history student living in Milan. He is one of the organisers of the protest, and I can see his chest swell with pride as he watches the crowd.

Q: How do you see the legacy of fascism influencing the political landscape in Italy?

Enzo Pelizzari: Fascism was a dark time in Italy's history, and Milan was not immune to the violence and unrest that brought it down. Today, the legacy of the Years of Lead still lingers in our politics. The unresolved issues, the injustices, they continue to shape the political landscape. We need to confront this history honestly to prevent extremism from taking hold once again. We need to hold people accountable.

Q: How are anti-fascist groups like yours working to address these issues?

EP: Our focus is on education, awareness, and justice. We organize events, discussions, and rallies to keep the memory of the Years of Lead alive and ensure the younger generations understand the consequences of political extremism. Many of the politicians in power now were involved in the government before the dictatorship ended, but nobody will call for them to be fired unless they know about it. We want to make sure justice is served, and history doesn't repeat itself.

Q: Do you believe the resurgence of leftist movements is a good thing?

EP: It's complicated. While the leftist movements have gained momentum, fascism has too. People are frustrated, and things aren’t as good as they were 10 years ago. We want justice and fair pay, but we don’t want communism either. I’ve talked with people from Eastern Europe and we have a lot in common. To counter extremism, we need understanding and open dialogue.

Q: What do you hope to achieve in your activism against fascism and extremism?

EP: Our ultimate goal is to create a more equal and democratic Italy. We want to ensure that the atrocities of the past are never forgotten and that we learn from history to stop this from happening again. Many forget that Mussolini took power lawfully.

Q: Do you have hope for the future?

EP: I have to. Our generation is too young to remember the horrors of the past, but we lived through a lot. I’ve seen the resilience of the Italian people. We're determined to ensure that history doesn't repeat itself, and that gives me hope for a better future.

 

[PolishMagnet]

Victory Day or Liberty Day?​

When Italian President Giovanni Alemanno spoke to the military forces assembled for the parade outside the Palazzo Venezia, he announced clearly that the country would stand firm in its position on the international stage.

Giovanni Alemanno, President of Italy since 2002

Alemanno’s short speech comes less than a week after the country’s peacekeepers in Ichkeria had a tense standoff with Russian troops across the disputed border. He warned that Italy would be prepared to defend the region militarily if the dispute worsens.

Jets paint the national flag in the sky

The annual parade marks 13 March, Italy’s Victory Day, commemorating the defeat of Nazi Germany. In just 4 days, many around the country will also celebrate Liberty Day, the anniversary of the dissolution of fascism. This year marks 20 years since the transition began, but Alemanno’s Alliance of Italy party won’t be celebrating, since celebrations of Liberty Day and Victory Day were combined to create a two-day holiday for Victory Day.

Ceremonial guards lay a wreath for the victims of World War 2

All along the Via dell’Impero, Italian soldiers, tanks, and more marched along carrying a mix of republican, monarchist, and fascist symbols. Old fascist songs like Giovinezza are played by the military bands, and the crowd is orderly. If there had also been fascist salutes, one could have imagined Balbo was still ruling the country.

Italian Bersaglieri (sharpshooters) march with their distinctive black feathers

To many in Italy, it’s no surprise – Alemanno is the son-in-law of former Italian fascist leader Pino Rauti, who led the country following the death of Giorgio Almirante and steered it away from reform. But while many call him a fascist, the Italian president has repeatedly refused the label, instead calling himself a nationalist and a conservative. He also distanced himself early on from the legacy of Rauti, refusing to enter a coalition with the MFI (Italian Fascist Movement) and refusing to lift the public ban on the fascist salute.

Alemanno and his fellow Alliance of Italy members, Ignazio La Russa (left) and Gianfranco Fini (centre), stand on the famous Mussolini Balconi at the Palazzo Venezia in Rome.

At the same time, the continued electoral success has produced a cynical and apathetic populace. In the 2012 election, in which the United Italy coalition won 78% of all Chamber of Deputy seats, approximately 61% of Italians voted. Only about 42% of young people (21-25) voted, with Italy’s voting age of 21 also being the highest in Europe.

"Generally speaking, I think voting does not lead to any change. I don't see any tangible differences for me whether there is one person or another in government," says Alessandro Bianchi, a university student in Rome.

Alessandro is hardly alone – with a poll released in August reporting that 53% of them believed that voting "is meaningless" because politicians "do whatever they want" once elected and “always come from the same party.” Support for the ruling party and Alemanno is strongest among middle-aged and elderly voters.

Anti-fascist Liberty Day protest – many on the Italian left celebrate 17 March instead of recognising the joint Victory Day-Liberty Day instituted in 2005

Even politicians who fight for change, such as lowering the voting age or introducing more social programs, are often implicated in corruption charges. To those on the left, these are often dismissed as trumped up accusations, but to other Italians it only reinforces a lack of faith in the opposition. Making things worse is the failure of most investigations to find concrete evidence for charges against Alliance party members. As former judge Gherardo Colombo said in his memoir, “It was ‘natural’ and ‘normal’ that you couldn’t look into certain drawers. No one could open them, and when someone tried to, the drawers would immediately be closed again.”

“Everyone will believe what he or she is inclined to believe,” says Giorgio Giuliani, a Rome-based political scientist. “Some will believe the charges are honest, and some will believe they are not, and there will be no way of proving it one way or the other. Life in Italy moves on.”

The past few years have seen more political arrests, the most notable usually being opponents and critics of Alemanno

To Italians who saw the transition from fascism to a democratic reformist government, only to be betrayed by that government’s corruption scandals, Alemanno gives them a sense of stability. He portrays himself as a political outsider, allowing him to use other politicians, or even his own, as scapegoats for all of Italy’s problems. It’s only through these methods that he has maintained his presidency through multiple scandals.

“He’s an experienced politician,” Giulia Costa says. “He can do anything, and I believe he will win. It will be fair because he has done a lot for the country.”

“Fascism controlled Italy for 72 years,” tweeted Sergio Conti, leader of the socialist Left Front. “This was an insult to the victims of fascism, not a celebration. They again spit in our face. We will be on the streets for the real holiday!” (in reference to 17 March, the original Liberty Day date).

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note: I hope my edited photos were believable - the one of Giovanni Alemanno as president was pretty tricky, for some reason I couldn't find any high-resolution photos of him in a typical politician portrait. Our duce-presumptive ITTL is president and not PM because post-fascist Italy has a more French-style government, featuring a very strong president.

I also made a post-fascist government emblem for the presidential flag seen behind him:

 

[PolishMagnet]

Note! Some real world people and party names are used here, but they are NOT necessarily the same. Political party names especially are very derivative, and Italy ITTL has been strongly anti-leftist for 72 years. Most non-fascist parties are closer to the centre.

Continuing off the end of the history section:

• National Fascist Party
  • Italian Fascist Movement
  • National Alliance (abandoned "fascist" label, included monarchists)
  • Republican Bloc ("post-fascist" party, strictly anti-monarchist)
• Alliance for Italy (social conservative party founded after 1994) -- NOT related to the real-world "Alleanza per Italia" party

In the downfall of Giovanni Goria and his Democratic Party due to corruption charges, Giovanni Alemanno is able to unite the various conservative parties (which include a lot of former fascists) and form the Alliance of Italy party. Giovanni Goria dies of his heart condition later ITTL, but still during the corruption investigation. ITTL it is a sort of conspiracy theory.

Tried to make something between Italy's Fratelli d'Italia, Forza Italia, Russia's United Russia, and Japan's LDP.