Nobunaga’s Ambition Realized: Dawn of a New Rising Sun

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 129: Triumph of the Holy League​

The Franco-Dutch War had coincided with an Ottoman invasion of the Austrian Habsburg lands which began what would later be known as the Great Turkish War. Capturing Vienna had long been an aspiration of the Sublime Porte since the bygone days of Suleiman the Magnificent, and grand vizier Kara Mustafa Pasha was eager to accomplish this enticing goal. Although initially hesitant, Mehmed IV was eventually persuaded to take up his grand vizier’s grandiose proposal in the face of Habsburg incursions that had begun after Upper Hungary elected Imre Thokoly as their new prince and broke off from the Habsburg fold into Constantinople’s. The ongoing Franco-Dutch War provided further encouragement for a full-scale campaign against Vienna as it preoccupied the attention of potential allies of the Holy Roman Emperor in western Europe. Thus, in April 1683, an enormous Ottoman force of 150,000 men led by Mustafa Pasha himself began marching from Edirne towards Vienna. Along the way, they would be joined by the armies of Transylvanian prince Michael Apafi and Imre Thokoly.​

Portrait of Kara Mustafa Pasha​

The siege of Vienna began on July 14, the city having been evacuated by Emperor Leopold who had fled to Passau to prepare a proper counter-response. After digging trenches to protect themselves from enemy fire, the Turks dug mining tunnels which would be filled with black powder intended to explode under Vienna’s walls and destroy them. However, the defenders were able to reinforce the outer palisade by knocking tree trunks into the ground, prolonging the Ottoman’s efforts by 3 weeks. The Viennese advantage in artillery also dissuaded any full-frontal assaults upon the city. Nevertheless, Mustafa Pasha was able to cut off the food supply and the defenders were on the verge of capitulation when news of a Polish relief army led by the king John Sobieski himself defeating Imre Thokoly at Bisamberg [1], just 5 km northwest of Vienna, reached the besieged city and gave the populace renewed hope. It would be this relief army of 18,000 that heralded the beginning of the anti-Ottoman response, with Lithuanians, Cossacks, and Imperials on their way as well.

Mustafa Pasha attempted to respond to this impending threat by assigning Kara Mehmed of Diyarbakir to take a contingent of 24,000 to track down and confront Sobieski before he could coalesce with other Christian reinforcements. Sobieski, however, cleverly avoided open battle, instead deploying cavalry led by his brother Marek to repeatedly harass and wear down Kara Mehmed’s detachment. Only on September 7th did the king plan a joint assault with the Germano-Imperial reinforcements under Prince Georg Friedrich of Waldeck and in the ensuing battle flanked and defeated the Ottoman detachment, even killing Kara Mehmed in the process. After this victory, the now-gathered anti-Ottoman forces quickly organized, with John Sobieski as the commander-in-chief and George Friedrich, Saxon elector John George III, and Marek Sobieski as deputy commanders. This army, numbering 70,000+ now descended upon the besiegers. Forced to pause his siege of Vienna, Kara Mustafa Pasha ordered counterattacks upon the approaching Christian forces with mixed results as the Turks and their allies were already exhausted and demoralized from the grueling siege and news of the initial Christian victory. The iconic moment of the battle was a cavalry charge led by John Sobieski and 3,000 winged hussars, the largest in recorded history, that descended from the Kahlenberg hilltop and finally broke the Ottomans’ ranks, forcing a messy retreat back into their territories. They had lost around 40,000 men and Vienna proved to be such a massive defeat that the grand vizier would be executed by Mehmed IV upon his humiliating return.​

Battle of Vienna, painted by Gonzales Franciscus Casteels​

Upon their victory, the participating powers would quickly form a Holy League to undermine the Sublime Porte’s ability to organize large-scale invasions into Europe. The Commonwealth and much of the Holy Roman Empire would be joined by the Venetian Republic and later the Russian Tsardom, uniting an unprecedented amount of political and military power against the Ottomans. The Great Turkish War, as the subsequent conflict would be known as, branched out into several regional theaters from the great victory at Vienna. The main theater would be the Hungarian one which began even before the Holy League had formally been established. Initially set back by the death of Marek Sobieski to dysentery while on campaign, League forces under the leadership of commanders like prince Georg Friedrich and Louis William, margrave of Baden-Baden, were able to rapidly advance upon Buda and had recaptured the historic capital of Hungary by 1686. The Holy League would receive another boost that same year with the conclusion of the Franco-Dutch War, freeing up reserves previously stationed in case of a potential intervention. These successes would reach their peak with the 2nd Battle of Mohacs in 1687, which saw a League victory so great it triggered a mutiny within the Ottoman armed forces that ultimately saw the deposition of padishah Mehmed IV in favor of his younger brother Suleiman. Things went even more smoothly against Transylvania, where nobles still angry at the Turks for displacing the Rakoczis from prominence in 1677 allied with the League against Michael Apafi. The subsequent civil war within the principality would result in a Habsburg-Rakoczi victory and the teenage Francis Rakoczi was promised the princely title once he was of age.

While the Habsburgs and their Imperial forces romped in Hungary, the Commonwealth pressed Constantinople in the lands of its Moldavian and Crimean vassals. At first, the anti-Ottoman Stefan Petriceicu seized power in Moldavia after its prince, the pro-Ottoman George Ducas, was captured on the Viennese battlefield and flipped his realm’s allegiances towards the Commonwealth. However, the Turks acted quickly, replacing him with Dumitrascu Cantacuzino within months. This prompted a campaign by John Sobieski into Moldavia in 1686 and although he found initial success, his army quickly began to be bogged down in siege after siege as the Turks refused to give battle and chose instead to harass and wear down the Christian forces. It didn’t help that much of the Commonwealth’s nearby Cossack military strength was directed towards the Crimean Tatars, who proved to be resilient even with Russian participation in the war in 1686 onwards. Lithuanian reinforcements under the command of Lithuanian Crown Hetman Kazimierz Jan Sapieha would tip the balance in favor of the anti-Ottoman coalition within a few years, however, and in 1689 Sobieski successfully deposed prince Constantin Cantemir [2] after taking the capital of Iasu, replacing him with his more pro-Commonwealth son Antioh.

From here, John Sobieski ordered Sapieha and the king’s nephew Jakub [3], son of his late older brother, to hold down Moldavia while the king turned his attention to the Crimean front which was at a stalemate as the outnumbered Tatars utilized scorched earth retreats and raids, managing to completely halt the Russian advance and devastate parts of Yedisan and Zaporhizia. By 1689, Russia was undergoing its own domestic strife as the teenage co-tsar Peter I overthrew his half-sister and controlling regent Sophia, leaving a opening for the Khanate that Sobieski and Cossack leader Tymofiy Khmelnytsky could ill-afford to overlook. The Polish-Lithuanian king, hoping to replicate another Vienna-esque victory that could cripple the Crimean war effort, marched upon Perekop, a choke point between the Crimean peninsula and the mainland steppe, at the head of an army of 40,000 Poles and Cossacks. Along the way, a sizable Tatar army led by khan Selim I Giray attempted to intercept Sobieski, only to be soundly defeated. A months-long siege of Perekop and occupation of its surroundings followed, ultimately resulting in its capture in November 1691. Shortly after this, however, the aging king returned to Warsaw and handed command over to Polish Crown Hetman Stanislaw Jan Jablonowski, and the rest of the war saw only marginal gains for the Commonwealth.​

Battle Against Tatars by Jozef Brandt​

The Holy League would even be able to advance into the Balkans. In Serbia, supportive rebels formed the Serbian Militia and allied with the League, enabling the capture of Belgrade in 1688 and League advances as far south as Skopje. However, a counteroffensive led by grand vizier Kopruluzade Fazil Mustafa Pasha reversed nearly all of these gains and even caused a mass migration of ethnic Serbs northwards through his army’s brutal and persecutive behavior. The grand vizier’s advance would only be halted at the Battle of Slankamen in 1691, which confirmed Habsburg gains in Hungary, Croatia, and Transylvania. Another Ottoman counteroffensive would be organized, this time against Moldavia in order to drive out the Commonwealth and dethrone Antioh Cantemir. The Turkish and League armies would clash in 1691 at the Battle of Finta and here, Sapieha’s brilliant generalship and the fighting spirit of the Moldavian contingent led to a stunning victory for the Commonwealth-Moldavian forces. It was with this battle that Moldavia’s break with the Sublime Porte was confirmed for good.

Further south, Venice invaded Greece and Dalmatia and conducted naval operations in the Aegean Sea from their strategic position on Crete. Although the Republic’s fleet and trade power had been in decline throughout the 17th century, they were still able to overpower the Sublime Porte on the seas, whose own naval presence had been neglected and further resources diverted towards the more critical land battles against the Habsburgs, the Commonwealth, and their allies. Bolstered by aid from Pope Innocent XI and other Italian supporters, Venetian commander and future doge Francesco Morosini led the Republic to victory and had conquered the Ionian islands, the Negropont, Dalmatia, and southern and central Greece. Here too would the Ottomans attempt to launch a counteroffensive though their efforts would only succeed in calcifying the frontlines. A Turkish fleet under the command of Mezzo Morto Pasha would even attempt an amphibious landing and conquest of Crete in 1691 although this expedition would ultimately fail.

The Holy League’s string of victories were so devastating for the Sublime Porte that the latter entered peace negotiations in 1692. On November 16th, 1692, the Treaty of Karlowitz [4] would be signed which laid out the Holy League’s gains. The old Hungarian lands as well as Croatia and Transylvania were ceded to the Habsburg realm, with the latter now a semi-autonomous region of the Kingdom of Hungary. Further into the Balkans, Dalmatia, the Ionian islands, the Morea, and the sanjak of Egriboz [5] would be ceded to Venice. Meanwhile, Moldavia was formally recognized as a vassal of Poland-Lithuania while the Commonwealth itself made minor territorial gains at the expense of the Crimean Khanate. Notably, as Russian involvement in the Great Turkish War had ended after 1689 they were not part of the negotiations and thus did not acquire new lands from the Crimean Tatars. This would later be a point of contention between Moscow, Constantinople, and Warsaw. For now, though, Europe celebrated the unprecedented rollback of Ottoman power and influence in Europe while the French were despondent over the defeat of one of their key allies.​

Europe in 1692​

[1]: IOTL, Charles V of Lorraine defeats Thokoly here but ITTL Lorraine is involved in the Franco-Dutch War so the Commonwealth, which is stronger ITTL, fights this battle here instead.

[2]: Constantin Cantemir drove Dumitrascu Cantacuzino out of Moldavia in 1685 IOTL and ITTL.

[3]: Marek Sobieski’s firstborn son

[4]: The Holy League is able to end the war 7 years earlier because the Nine Years’ War is butterflied away ITTL and are also able to make greater territorial gains as a result of not having to divert manpower and resources towards another European conflict.

[5]: The Negropont and the Attican region of Greece​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 130: Politics of the Genroku Era and Another Amur Intervention​

​

After the Yoshitaka incident and the decline of the old Nanshin faction, a state of political balance emerged with no one faction being dominant. In the same year of 1692, prominent daimyo on the Sangi-shu like Ryuzoji Tomoie and Nanbu Shigenobu also retired or passed away, leaving further room for a new cadre to emerge in Azuchi. In addition to Oda Nobuie, this new generation would come to include Sangi-shu daimyo lords Kakizaki Norihiro from Ezo, Kawajiri Shigehiro (河尻鎮熙) from Kai, and Otomo Yoshitaka from northern Kyushu. Additionally, Nobuie’s loyal tutor and advisor Tsuda Takeakira would be appointed Azuchi’s Kanazawa magistrate in a move that not only gave him control of Japan’s biggest city outside the Kinki region but also was seen as a conciliatory gesture towards the old Hokushin faction, especially towards old retainers of Kaga Nagaaki. The new generation notably did not engage in factionalism as much as the councilors and bureaucrats of the 1670s and 1680s did, though blocs of shared interests naturally persisted within the Sangi-shu and the bureaucracy.

Finally able to push their interests without the dominance of the Kanbe brothers, eastern and northern daimyo lords successfully pushed for modest measures aimed at revitalizing swaths of the rural countryside left out of the urban-centered prosperity of the late 17th century. The economic phenomenon encouraged more and more peasants to drop their feudal obligations and leave either for the cities or out of the home islands while the gap between the rich and poor began to develop among the farmers, hurting the local economies of these regions. This also affected the finances of the regional clans, many of their ji-shoukai dependent on cash crops. The Sangi-shu expanded the central government’s rice reserves to better prepare for future famines and encouraged daimyo who could to do the same. Meanwhile, Azuchi magistrate Niwa Nagamori (丹羽長守) tightened security at the checkpoints into the city in order to turn away runaway farmers, although in practice this was very difficult to implement and no other city made a serious effort to do the same. Additionally, Azuchi would support renewed efforts towards land reclamation and other measures that opened up more arable land. Among the councilors, an attempt was even made to curb the privileges of the merchant class, especially those in Azuchi, Kyoto, and Sakai, although it would ultimately not come to pass.

Although Japan would not proceed towards expanding into the entirety of Karafuto island just yet, its increased presence in the already occupied south would pave the way towards that goal post. With the death of Sakuma Moritora in 1672, Japanese interests in southern Karafuto had lost its greatest advocate and the subsequent political defeat of the Hokushin faction slowed Japan’s growth on the island. The main Japanese outpost of Oodomari remained a minor settlement of traders, fur trappers, and fishermen de facto managed by the Sakuma clan with Azuchi’s oversight, the Ainu and other indigenous tribes in the claimed lands running their own affairs and only occasionally paying tribute and lip service to the Japanese. The success from the Menashir War and a more favorable political environment, however, would begin to turn this around. An official magistracy would be established and a more formal governing system would be instituted in order to bring the natives under more direct control and get involved with trade. Karafuto would even finally be made an official province, Karafuto province (樺太国). Beyond Karafuto, Japanese activity in the far north would pick up due in part to the success of the Menashir War. Kakizaki Norihiro in Ezo, who also was one of the new councilors, was embarking upon his domain’s centralization at home, instituting monopolies over the fur trade and direct interactions with the Ainu tribes and tightening his grip over the natives. Working in tandem with Azuchi especially with the Hakodate magistracy, Norihiro would influence Japan’s policies in the far north over the next few decades. Other northern daimyo as well as independent merchants would in turn take a greater interest in the rejuvenated frontier and Japanese activity in the Ezo Sea (蝦夷海) [1] would increase accordingly.​

Portrait of Kakizaki Norihiro​

In regards to its foreign policy, Azuchi would largely continue its developments from the Tenwa-Jokyo era, renewing the practice of embassy exchanges and maintaining a diplomatic balance with the European powers it interacted with. Notable embassies during this era include the 1693 Genroku embassy to Amsterdam, London, and Stockholm and the Delhi embassy of 1695. Increasingly, however, the Dutch and the French jostled with one another over the favor of Azuchi. Since the conclusion of the Franco-Dutch War, the rivalry between the two nations had expanded into the colonial sphere and they now competed with one another from North America to Southeast Asia. Although the Dutch no doubt had the upper hand throughout the globe, the French East India Company was receiving ever greater resources from Versailles and was beginning to raise the specter of Dutch overdominance in its diplomacy in the region. Within the Japanese government, despite personal biases among individuals no one was interested in siding with one particular side like Siam and Dai Viet had already, so for the time being Japan’s ports and trade interests remained a neutral ground between not only the French and the Dutch but also the English, the Portuguese, and even the Spanish.

During this period, events on the mainland would draw in Azuchi once more. In 1696, Amur khan Bahai would die after a successful reign of 30 years. As the second sovereign over the Amur Jurchens, he had saved his realm from the clutches of the Lesser Jin and pursued a path of recovery, development, and modernization. For all of his success, however, he failed to sire a son from either his consort or his concubines. Therefore, in his last years, he would designate one of his favorite generals, Sapusu, as his heir and marry his daughter to him. Initially, it seemed like Sapusu would take over the Amur Khanate upon Bahai’s death. Lesser Jin khan Baichali, however, had other plans. Aware of the jealousy and tension Bahai’s selection of Sapusu had created amongst the latter’s peers, he would support a lesser member of his Aisin Gioro clan, Yebusu, as the next Amur khan in a ploy to make the northern Jurchen polity a de facto protectorate of the Jin realm and pave the way for a united Jurchen state. With the support of Baichali, Yebusu began gathering an army and contacted Sapusu’s opponents within the Amur Khanate for their allegiances. Word of this quickly reached Sapusu and seeing defections beginning to occur, he sent messengers to Azuchi asking for Japanese support in favor of his succession.​

Portrait of the new Amur khan, Sapusu​

In response to Sapusu’s request, Azuchi agreed to send 13,000 men to support the Amur government against Yebusu’s impending invasion. Leading the effort would be Chinjufu shogun Nanbu Yukinobu, his presence supported by the Japanese navy. Sakuma Morimochi, now 24, would also be part of the expeditionary force and would be assigned command of the vanguard force of 5,000. As the grandson of the legendary Sakuma Moritora, he had trained to become a superb warrior and commander before participating in the Battle of Oniyoppu under the command of Nanbu Yukinobu’s right cavalry contingent. Upon his arrival in Nurgan, he would be jubilantly welcomed as a descendant of one of the khanate’s heroes. It was because of his celebrity status that Morimochi was able to manage preliminary negotiations and strategic talks with the khan and his officials and generals on how best to defend against Yebusu's invasion. While he awaited the arrival of the rest of the Japanese expeditionary force, Morimochi would send out small contingents to temporarily reinforce local garrisons along the Amur river and began strategizing with the new Amur khan on how best to respond against Yebusu. Once Yukinobu and the rest of the Japanese forces arrived, they would quickly coalesce and begin coordinating a punitive offensive against Yebusu’s approaching army. Once Kuroryutsu’s and Nurgan’s defenses were strengthened and their garrisons sufficiently expanded, the combined army of 10,000 Japanese samurai and 20,000 Amur Jurchens set off against Yebusu, totaling 30,000. Sapusu was at the head of this coalesced force with Yukinobu leading the Japanese.

They met Yebusu’s main force of around 25,000 Jin Jurchens and Amur Jurchen defectors on June 6th, 1697 near the frontier town of Huligai. On the Amur-Japanese side, 17,000 infantrymen armed with muskets, arquebuses, yari spears, and polearms formed up the center with horse archers screening the front ranks. The right wing of heavy Jurchen cavalry was led by Sapusu himself while Sakuma Morimochi led samurai cavalry and more horse archers on the left, with Nanbu Yukinobu overseeing the infantry and the artillery. On the other side, a mix of gunpowder and sword infantry made up the center with Ming-style heavy cavalry positioned on the right with rebel Amur Jurchen nobles and their cavalry positioned on the left, across from the liege they had betrayed. Both sides also brought cannons to the battlefield, with Yebusu having a numerical advantage in artillery pieces.​

Battle of Huligai, Yellow = Yebusu’s army, Salmon = Japanese, Brown = Amur Jurchen​

The battle began with the skirmishing of the horse archers in the front followed by an exchange of cannonfire that softened up the infantry formation of both sides. Then, cavalry charges were ordered from both the Amur-Japanese and Yebusu armies. Years of Ming influence had enabled the Lesser Jin to develop their heavy cavalry into armored tanks, allowing them to hold and even push back the Japanese cavalry. Nevertheless, the two wings were in balance, and it would ultimately be the Amur-Japanese infantry that would decide the outcome. Though every participant in the battle fielded better trained and more technologically advanced gunpowder infantry compared to the engagements of the Asiatic Northern War, Japan’s musketeers remained unmatched and they along with Japanese spearmen and the Amur Khanate’s own infantry began to push back Yebusu’s own infantry. The claimant to the northern khanate folded rather quickly, retreating even while his cavalry stood their ground. The latter reluctantly left the battlefield only when orders from Yebusu came. Sapusu and his Japanese allies had won the day.

Although Yebusu had lost several thousand men in this battle, his army remained intact and capable of launching a counteroffensive. His support, however, melted away as it became clear that the Japanese navy intended to blockade Haishenwei and other ports if necessary and that aid from the Ming, Joseon, or the Northern Yuan was not forthcoming. Furthermore, Yebusu’s battlefield conduct and hasty retreat came under heavy criticism, leading to Baichali ultimately pulling his backing. The Amur claimant would ultimately be driven out of the Lesser Jin and forced to flee to exile to the lands of the Northern Yuan along with any remaining supporters. Back in the Amur Khanate, the new khan’s government would quickly be purged of Yebusu’s old sympathizers and replaced with Sapusu’s loyalists and others sympathetic to Azuchi. As a result of what would be known as the Sapusu-Yebusu War, Japanese influence and presence would grow in the khanate to a degree not seen since Azuchi’s partial withdrawal in the 1670s.

[1]: Japanese name for the Sea of Okhotsk ITTL​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 131: Daijo-daijin Nobuie and a 17th Century Retrospective​

5 years after his appointment to the Sangi-shu, Oda Nobuie had proven himself to be a capable and mature participant in government, having gained much experience in a relatively balanced political environment. He had been instrumental in pushing for greater involvement in the far north and it had been many of his deputies from the Ezo-Menashir campaign that ultimately led the Japanese intervention into the Sapusu-Yebusu War. Witnessing the growth of his son and heir, daijo-daijin Oda Nobuhiro decided to step down as the chancellor of the realm in favor of Nobuie, someone he knew would be able to fully wield the power of the position. On November 27th, 1697, the 30 year old Nobuie traveled to Kyoto to formally be appointed by Emperor Kitayama (北山天皇) [1] as the new daijo-daijin. Customarily, he would also simultaneously be made seii-tai-shogun and sa-konoe-no-daisho (左近衛大将), or senior commander of the imperial guard, and elevated to the junior 1st courtly rank. Nobuie’s ascension marked the beginning of 40 years of what would be known as the “Age of Nobuie'' and he would be the one to lead Japan into the 18th century. This transition of power was further defined with the retirement of Kanbe Tomoyoshi, the remaining major figure active during the Manji War, from the Sangi-shu and as the governor of Luson province and would be formally succeeded in the latter position by his son Yoshihiro.

Japan had changed significantly since the death of Oda Nobunaga, the “Great Unifier” and founder of the Azuchi daijo-fu, in 1601. The realm had seen 6 daijo-daijins come and go in the last 100 years, with Nobuie being the 7th. During that time, Japan had expanded its territorial extent beyond the home islands, not only annexing the entirety of Bireito but moving into northern Luzon, Ezo, southern Karafuto, and even onto the mainland via the northerly port of Kuroryutsu. As a result, Japan’s population had nearly doubled from 15 million in 1601 to 29 million in 1700. Beyond this populational and territorial expansion, Japan’s commercial and political reach had dramatically expanded, its merchants now scattered all over the East from the frigid waters of the Ezo Sea to the warm waves of the Indian Ocean. Throughout Southeast Asia, Nihonmachi communities decades or even a century old had continued to thrive with the one in Ayutthaya even having a direct impact on the internal politics of foreign countries. Meanwhile, Azuchi had established a multitude of diplomatic relations, not only with traditional neighbors like Ming China and Joseon but also far-flung European powers enterprising into the region. Japan had even fought the Iberian Union at one point, incurring a devastating defeat in the Iberian-Japanese War and influencing the fate of its other conflicts far closer to home. By the end of the century, Japan’s political stature was starting to be one of global and not just regional importance.​

Map of East Asia in 1697 (Salmon = Japan, Blue = Joseon, Orange = Lesser Jin, Brown = Amur Khanate, Purple = Russia, Mustard Green = Northern Yuan, Gold = Ming China, Red = Ryukyu Kingdom, Light Orange = Spain, Pink = Trinh lords/Dai Viet, Light Pink = Nguyen lords/Dai Viet, Green = Lan Xang, Sand = Cambodia)
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One undeniable trend within the realm was its rapid urbanization, making Japan the most urbanized society in the world. This was especially evident in the growth and size of Azuchi and Sakai, with the former towering above at 800,000 inhabitants and the latter in a strong second at 500,000. Kyoto stood as the third largest city, though it being sandwiched between two other huge population centers had caused its population to stagnate at around 300,000. Kanazawa had around 150,000 inhabitants while Kamakura had a population of around 120,000 by the end of the century. Beyond these 5 major cities, regional urban centers existed in Iriebashi on Bireito, Awari in Luson, Shimonoseki in the Chugoku region, Kagoshima in Kyushu, Gifu and Sunpu in the Chubu region, and Yonezawa and Sakata in the Oshu region.

Another trend was political centralization. Although the realm had substantially centralized with the unification of all the provinces by the beginning of the 17th century and the establishment of the daijo-fu in Azuchi, its military and economy was very much in the hands of the regional daimyo lords and Azuchi could not levy taxes directly upon them. Although daimyo lords still wielded significant control over their domains at the close of the 17th century, major aspects of the realm now fell under the purview of Azuchi. Through various reforms enacted by chancellors like Oda Nobutomo and Kanbe Tomoyoshi, Japan came to possess a central navy and implemented a shogunal system that gave Azuchi direct oversight and even control the mobilization of regional armies from the retinues and populations of the daimyo lords. Azuchi also came to dictate foreign policy for the entire realm, directing diplomacy towards outside powers and organizing overseas military ventures. The daijo-fu even became able to set a cohesive economic agenda centered around trade expansionism through its foreign policy and control of key ports and cities through magistracies. These activities were all conducted by Azuchi’s evolving bureaucracy and government structure that co-opted the Ritsuryo court system and samurai institutions and norms while also innovating on its own.

Finally, Japan was increasingly a realm defined by capital and commerce quickly breaking free of centuries-old feudal trappings. Many samurai clans had developed domain-run enterprises, or ji-shoukai, that focused on boosting certain industries like cash crops and handicrafts and exporting them as a product, bringing in more revenue and attracting business from all corners. At the same time, trade expansion overseas not only attracted droves of foreign traders but also dramatically increased the size, scope, and power of the Japanese merchant class. In one specific case, common objectives would result in several merchants under the leadership of Tenjiku Tokubei forming the India Trade Guild and overseeing Japanese trade interests across the Indian Ocean, especially on the Indian subcontinent. While separate phenomena, these two developments represented an evolution away from a more feudal and rural past towards economic globalization, mercantilism, and proto-industrialization.

As Japan entered the 18th century, it would face new challenges and opportunities from abroad and from within. The far northern frontier of the realm was increasing in economic and security importance while domestic innovation and trade expansion would continue apace. It would also be in this century, however, that Japan would confront many of its societal and structural contradictions. The political system that had ruled the realm was a combination of the 8th century Ritsuryo code, feudal samurai norms and traditions, and institutions created in the century that were joined together in an incoherent fashion, making it uniquely vulnerable to a political crisis. The legal class system that predated Japanese unification, although eroded in practice by the rise of the merchant class and the power of capital, was still legally in place and this situation would have to have to be contended with amidst the realm’s socioeconomic changes that undermined it. Additionally, despite the prosperity brought about by the Oda policy of trade expansionism, a rural-urban imbalance was beginning to develop, threatening to bring about social unrest, famine, and political friction. These were just some of the things Japan would deal with in the 18th century and it remained to be seen whether the new daijo-daijin would be able to handle them.​

Members of the Sangi-shu 1665-1697

Kajuuji Tsunehiro (勧修寺経広): 1641-1672
Ikeda Yoshinori (池田由則): 1646-1659, 1662-1668
Shimazu Norihisa (島津則久): 1651-1661, 1662-1675
Asano Noriakira (浅野則晟): 1657-1693
Urakusai Nagaie (有楽斎長家): 1657-1675
Sakuma Moritora (佐久間盛虎): 1658-1661, 1662-1672
Akechi Mitsunori (明智光則): 1659-1668
Satake Yoshitaka (佐竹義隆): 1660-1672
Asukai Masaoki (飛鳥井雅章): 1661-1679
Ichijo Kanehiro (一条兼煕): 1662-1668
Kanbe Tomozane (神戸朝実): 1662-1697
Mori Tomoyoshi (森朝可): 1662-1681
Mōri Tsugumoto (毛利嗣元): 1662-1689
Saionji Kinnori (西園寺公則): 1662-1671
Sassa Katsutoyo (佐々勝豊): 1662-1667
Wakamatsu Tomohide (若松具秀): 1662-1666
Tokugawa Noriyasu (徳川則康): 1662-1679
Akita Morisue (秋田盛季): 1664-1676
Kitabatake Nagayori (北畠長頼): 1666-1689
Anekouji Tomotsuna (姉小路朝綱): 1667-1687
Sugaya Tomoyori (菅屋朝頼): 1668-1679
Hashiba Hideyori (羽柴秀頼): 1668-1691
Takatsukasa Fusasuke (鷹司房輔): 1668-1690
Kaga Nagaaki (加賀長昭): 1671-1678
Nanbu Shigenobu (南部重信): 1672-1692
Murai Munemasa (村井宗昌): 1672-1678
Oogimachi Sanetoyo (正親町実豊): 1672-
Ryuzoji Tomoie (龍造寺朝家): 1675-1692
Tarui Tomoyuki (垂井朝之): 1675-1695
Ikeda Tsunetora (池田恒虎): 1676-1697
Oota Tomofusa (太田朝房): 1678-1680
Miyoshi Yasutsugu (三好康嗣): 1678-
Inaba Kagemichi (稲葉景通): 1679-1694
Seki Narinaga (関成長): 1679-
Nakanoin Michishige (中院通茂): 1679-
Date Munetoshi (伊達宗利): 1680-1693
Takigawa Kazuatsu (滝川一積): 1681-1696
Sassa Katsutoo (佐々勝遠): 1687-
Kudo Kanefuyu (工藤包冬): 1689-1692
Ito Sukezane (伊東祐実): 1689-
Ichijo Uchifusa (一条内房): 1690-
Nagaoka Tsugutoshi (長岡嗣利): 1691-
Oda Nobuie (織田信家): 1692-1697
Otomo Yoshitaka (大友義孝): 1692-
Kakizaki Norihiro (蠣崎矩広): 1692-
Niwa Nagatsugu (丹羽長次): 1693-
Satake Yoshizumi (佐竹義処): 1693-
Kawajiri Shigehiro (河尻鎮煕): 1694-
Urakusai Hiroie (有楽斎煕家): 1695-
Yamauchi Toyomasa (山内豊昌): 1696-
Musashino Toshikatsu (武蔵野利勝): 1697-
Nanbu Yukinobu (南部行信): 1697-

Kyoto Shoshidai:
Oogimachi Sanetoyo (正親町実豊): 1662-1672
Kasannoin Sadanobu (花山院定誠): 1672-1685
Chikusa Arikore (千種有維): 1685-1693
Yanagiwara Sukekado (柳原資廉): 1693-

Azuchi bugyo (magistrates):
Sakuma Moriyoshi (佐久間盛郎): 1662-1666
Ishimaru Sadatsugu (石丸定次): 1666-1679
Kondo Shigenobu (近藤重信): 1679-1692
Niwa Nagamori (丹羽長守): 1692-

Oometsu-shoku (inspector general):
Kondo Shigenao (近藤重直): 1662-1672
Kudō Kanefuyu (工藤包冬): 1672-1689
Wakebe Yoshitaka (分部嘉高): 1689-1692
Kondo Shigenobu (近藤重信): 1692-1693
Kutsuki Tanemasa (朽木種昌): 1693-

Chinjufu Shogun:
Sakuma Moritora (佐久間盛虎): 1658-1672
Nanbu Shigenobu (南部重信): 1672-1692
Nanbu Yukinobu (南部行信): 1692-

Eastern Shogun:
Tokugawa Noriyasu (徳川則康): 1662-1679
Takigawa Kazuatsu (滝川一積): 1679-1696
Musashino Toshikatsu (武蔵野利勝): 1696-

Western Shogun:
Ikeda Yoshinori (池田由則): 1662-1668
Mōri Tsugumoto (毛利嗣元): 1668-1689
Akechi Mitsumasa (明智光政): 1689-

Shikoku Tandai:
Saionji Kinnori (西園寺公則): 1661-1671
Chosokabe Tomochika (長曾我部朝親): 1671-1688
Saionji Kinhiro (西園寺公熙): 1688-

Kyushu Tandai:
Shimazu Norihisa (島津則久): 1640-1675
Ryuzoji Tomoie (龍造寺朝家): 1675-1692
Otomo Yoshitaka (大友義孝): 1692-

Naval Shogun:
Tagawa Seikou (田川成功): 1662-1679
Kurushima Michikiyo (久留島通清): 1679-

Orange = Oda clan member, Blue = Court noble, Green = non-Japanese
​

[1]: Crown Prince Masahito (正仁親王) became the new emperor as Emperor Kitayama after his father, Emperor Gosai, died in 1691.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Map of Daimyo 1697:​

1. Kakizaki Norihiro (蠣崎矩広): 1660-
2. Tsugaru Masatake (津軽政兕): 1667-
3. Nanbu Yukinobu (南部行信): 1642-
4. Akita Terusue (秋田輝季): 1649-
5. Mōri Tomokatsu (毛利朝勝): 1626-
6. Tozawa Masanobu (戸沢正誠): 1640-
7. Ichihashi Masanobu (市橋政信): 1623-
8. Kyogoku Takanori (京極高視): 1643-
9. Sakuma Morimochi (佐久間盛茂): 1672-
10. Tooyama Tomoharu (遠山友春): 1661-
11. Date Hiromune (伊達煕宗): 1659-
12. Souma Tsugutane (相馬義胤): 1661-
13. Shirakawa Yoshinobu (白河義信): 1647-
14. Mogami Yoshimasa (最上義雅): 1656-
15. Satake Yoshitaka (佐竹義処): 1637-
16. Utsunomiya Hirotsuna (宇都宮宏綱): 1664-
17. Sano Naotsuna (佐野直綱): 1668-
18. Oyama Toshishige (小山利重): 1652-
19. Minagawa Hirotaka (皆川広隆): 1648-
20. Hasegawa Masazumi (長谷川昌澄): 1624-
21. Ikoma Chikaoki (生駒親興): 1655-
22. Date Munetoshi (伊達宗利): 1635-
23. Uesugi Norikiyo (上杉憲清): 1661-
24. Satomi Yoshikoto (里見義言): 1667-
25. Musashino Toshikatsu (武蔵野利勝): 1647-
26. Takigawa Kazuatsu (滝川一積): 1642-
27. Murai Munetada (村井宗忠): 1661-
28. Tsuchiya Michinao (土屋逵直): 1659-
29. Oota Hirofusa (太田煕房): 1654-
30. Tokugawa Hiroyasu (徳川煕康): 1663-
31. Hisamatsu Tadamitsu (久松忠充): 1651-
32. Kawajiri Shigehiro (河尻鎮熙): 1658-
33. Inaba Tomomichi (稲葉知通): 1652-
34. Mizuno Katsumine (水野勝岑): 1697-
35. Ogasawara Nagatane (小笠原長胤): 1668-
36. Sanada Yukioto (真田幸音): 1656-
37. Mori Hiroyoshi (森熙可): 1662-
38. Yamauchi Toyomasa (山内豊昌): 1641-
39. Ikeda Tsunetora (池田恒虎): 1644-
40. Gamou Nagateru (蒲生長照): 1652-
41. Nagao Kagemasa (長尾景将): 1665-
42. Sassa Katsutoo (佐々勝遠): 1662-
43. Maeda Hirokata (前田煕堅): 1683-
44. Kaga Hisachika (加賀尚親): 1662-
45. Shibata Katsukado (柴田勝門): 1642-
46. Anekouji Hirotsuna (姉小路煕綱): 1673-
47. Oda Nobuie (織田信家): 1667- (Main Oda clan lands)
48. Kuki Takatsune (九鬼隆常): 1646-
49. Kitabatake Takehiro (北畠武熙): 1678-
50. Kudō Kanehiro (工藤包煕): 1678-
51. Sugaya Hiroyori (菅谷熙頼): 1662-
52. Seki Narinaga (関成長): 1610-
53. Mori Hironao (森熙直): 1654-
54. Asano Hiroakira (浅野煕晟): 1659-
55. Nagaoka Tsugutoshi (長岡嗣利): 1643-
56. Niwa Nagatsugu (丹羽長次): 1643-
57. Akechi Mitsumasa (明智光政): 1648-
58. Ikeda Yoshihiro (池田由煕): 1674-
59. Takagi Masanobu (高木正陳): 1665-
60. Nakagawa Hisamichi (中川久通): 1663-
61. Hashiba Hidekuni (羽柴秀国): 1651-
62. Miyabe Nagayori (宮部長頼): 1662-
63. Ukita Nobuchika (宇喜多信親): 1669-
64. Nanjou Munekiyo (南条宗清): 1647-
65. Horio Hiroharu (堀尾熙晴): 1648-
66. Sengoku Masaakira (仙石政明): 1659-
67. Amago Kanehisa (尼子兼久): 1646-
68. Urakusai Hiroie (有楽斎煕家): 1652-
69. Hachisuka Takashige (蜂須賀隆重): 1634-
70. Ito Sukezane (伊東祐実): 1644-
71. Kuroda Hiroyuki (黒田熙之): 1655-
72. Mōri Hironari (毛利煕就): 1673-
73. Miyoshi Yasutsugu (三好康嗣): 1641-
74. Sogo Masahiro (十河存煕): 1655-
75. Kawano Michihisa (河野通尚): 1659-
76. Chosokabe Hirochika (長宗我部煕親): 1651-
77. Saionji Kinhiro (西園寺公熙): 1653-
78. Otomo Yoshitaka (大友義孝): 1641-
79. Ryuzōji Hiroie (龍造寺煕家): 1662-
80. Matsura Takashi (松浦棟): 1646-
81. Sou Yoshizane (宗義真): 1639-
82. Hori Chikaoki (堀親興): 1664-
83. Tachibana Taneaki (立花種明): 1644-
84. Horiuchi Ujiteru (堀内氏輝): 1663-
85. Shimazu Hirohisa (島津熙久): 1670-

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 132: Food, Fashion, and Popular Leisure in Late 17th Century Japan​

By the beginning of the 17th century, the predominant hairstyle among samurai men was the chasenmage hairstyle (茶筅髷) paired with the practice of sakayaki (月代) or keeping the top of the head completely shaved. Oda Nobunaga’s chasen-mage would become particularly iconic as he was the first ruler of Japan to forgo usage of eboshi hats (烏帽子) except for ceremonial functions. The chasen-mage would soon spread amongst the court nobility and the commoner classes and become the standard male hairstyle by the middle of the century. In the latter half, however, another hair style, the chonmage (丁髷) hairstyle, emerged in the urban centers of Kyoto, Sakai, and Azuchi. Marked by a folded topknot, it was first adorned by the merchant and artisan classes who opted for what they saw as a cleaner and more compact look. Soon, the samurai class began to adopt it, although most still had a chasenmage at the close of the century, especially in eastern and northern Japan as well as in Bireito and Luson [1].

Womens’ hairstyles would change even more significantly in the 17th century. At the beginning of the century, the samurai and court nobility still wore their hair down in varying lengths in the suihatsu style (垂髪) like they had for hundreds of years. However, this began to change with the popularization of the practice of tying up hair upwards. Early examples of this include the karawa (唐輪) and tatehyogo (立兵庫) hairstyles and originated among courtesans before spreading amongst the merchant and artisan classes. Samurai women, however, would largely refrain from adopting these styles until their evolution into the tsukunehyogo (つくね兵庫), marked both by a top knot and downward-trending hair going down to the shoulders. This hairstyle picked up in popularity in the late 17th century and would predominate especially among the samurai class by 1700 [2], with only noblewomen continuing to wear their hair in the suihatsu style. Uniquely in Bireito, the karawa and tatehyogo styles not only saw earlier adoption by women of the samurai class but even spread among middle and upper class Chinese and indigenous women.​

Modern-day depictions of the tatehyogo and tsukunehyogo hairstyles​

Kimono would also evolve during the 17th century, with the kosode (小袖) spreading among the common people especially in urban centers and designs and techniques becoming ever more elaborate. Japan’s trade expansionism saw its cities attract commerce and wealth in an unprecedented fashion, resulting in opulent colors and patterns becoming more accessible and fashion trends shifting into the hands of the increasingly wealthy and influential merchant class as opposed to the samurai and court nobility. Even the material changed, with rinzu (綸子) or silk damask becoming preferred over plain-weave silk. Additionally, the fur trade also led to the popularization of fur pelts being worn or accessorized in Japan, principally among men and especially the samurai class. Tiger and leopard furs were the most prized, with wolf, sable, and fox pelts also prominent. Their usage ranged from being strung on the shoulder to being made into kataginu (肩衣). Their incorporation as clothing, however, was seen as immoral and controversial by a sizable segment of the population, being seen as a violation of Shinto-Buddhist virtues.

Food and eating would similarly change and reflect not only the better material conditions and greater peace and stability in the realm but also the extensive trade taking place between Japan and the rest of the world. Japanese cuisine would be able to expand through three key internal developments: the transition from 2 meals to 3 meals a day as a custom, the integration of snacking and snack foods like mochi and noodles, and an intake of foreign foods, crops, and flavors. Additionally, the consumption of white rice would also proliferate among the urban populace, although the vast majority of farmers and peasants continued to rely on millet as a base meal. These developments facilitated an expansion of the Japanese diet and a greater culinary interest in the realm, allowing for steady population growth and a culinary cultural blossoming. This was best represented by the introduction and proliferation of several nanbangashi (南蛮菓子), or Western sweets, followed by their domestic production when Japan began to import sugar in greater amounts. Some of these included the Portuguese konpeito (金平糖) and French sweet and savory crepes [3], with the latter often made from buckwheat as opposed to wheat flour. Various agricultural products also made their way into Japan throughout the 17th century, including sweet potatoes, tomatoes, and squash. Many of these new crops would quickly begin to be cultivated in swaths of the countryside affected by war or susceptible to famine, especially the sweet potato. Ezo in particular saw heavy cultivation of sweet potatoes and potatoes due to the absence of a pre-existing rice-based society and the colder temperatures [4]. Vineyards continued to spread as the demand for wine grew not just from the Yamato Church but also from wealthy merchants and samurai who enjoyed its taste. Fish and poultry would continue to constitute the main protein source as the consumption of four-legged animals remained largely culturally taboo for most of the populace with the exception of those hunted by the samurai class, though. The advent of open-boat shore whaling would introduce whale meat into the mix.​

Sweet potato​

Far to the south, Bireito’s and Luson’s majority non-Japanese populations meant that food that the Japanese cuisine down there would diverge more and more from that of the home islands despite consistent contact throughout the greater realm. Here, the consumption of pork and other native four legged mammals was much more widely accepted, although cows continued to be valued and thus largely not part of the diet on both islands. The cultivation of sugar and tropical fruits also added a more sugar-intensive taste compared to that of the home islands. On Bireito, the sizable Chinese population introduced Fujianese and other mainland cuisines, infusing the Japanese diet with such condiments and foods like pork belly buns and fish sauce. Meanwhile, coconut byproducts like coconut oil and coconut milk made their way in the Japanese diet on Luson while curry and adobo began to infuse into traditional Japanese dishes introduced by settlers.

In general, the late 17th century was a time of increased leisure and fun for the average Japanese person. Beyond the greater quality of food and clothing, several cultural celebrations and traditions began during this time. One of the most significant trends was the popularity of the o-ise-mairi (お伊勢参り), or the practice of pilgrimage to the Ise Grand Shrine (伊勢神宮) which was dedicated to the Shinto sun goddess of Amaterasu (天照大神). As it was a several days’ trip from Sakai, Kyoto, Azuchi, and Gifu, it was an accessible activity for many. Other popular trips included those to the Izumo Grand Shrine (出雲大社) and the Kumano Sanzan (熊野三山) as well as Atsuta Shrine (熱田神宮) [5] where Oda Nobunaga famously prayed at before the Battle of Okehazama. Meanwhile, members of the Yamato Church would embark upon their own pilgrimages to the home church in Azuchi. Another trend was the development of special days and cultural traditions revolved around the gosekku (五節句), the five traditional annual ceremonies held by the imperial court. With the unification of the realm, these ceremonies began to be held in grand splendor without a shortage of funds once again, their occurrence reverberating across a relatively stable Japan. From these gosekku sprouted several days celebrated across both major cities and rural villages from setsubun (節分) to tanabata (七夕), marked by much festivity. Outside of these were yet more other celebrations and traditions, particularly those on the local level. All of these were often accompanied by an abundance of fireworks. A particularly famous annual firework display was one right above Azuchi Castle with a special structure within the castle eventually built to accommodate its ignition and launch. From its position, the fireworks could be seen from across Azuchi, and so magnificent were they that it was described by contemporary writers to be one of the most visually stunning phenomena in all of Japan.​

Depiction of an o-ise-mairi​

[1]: ITTL, the chonmage will take much longer to fully take hold.

[2]: ITTL, the shimadagami style (島田髪) never develops.

[3]: Due to French contact, also overshadows castella

[4]: An IOTL trend that is taking place much earlier.

[5]: A more popular destination compared to OTL for obvious reasons.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 133: Yongwu and his Neighbors ​

​

Emperor Yongwu’s defeat of the Northern Yuan and the Dzungar Khanate in 1671 and the swift deaths of the respective rulers of those realms destabilized the region. Upon Abunai Khan’s death in 1675, his son Borni became the new khagan of the Northern Yuan only to see his authority eroded in favor of the regional tumens until it hardly extended outside of the capital of Karakorum and the Chahar tumens. As a result, Borni increasingly turned to alcoholism and hedonism as he grew older. The physically and spiritually debased ruler died at the age of just 39 in 1694 and was succeeded by his 11 year old Mengu Temur. The child khagan’s regency would be contested by his mother Altantseteg and his uncle Lubuzung. This power struggle would become moot by 1700, however, with the arrival of unsuccessful Amur khanate claimant Yebusu and his entourage. The Jurchen exile quickly began to accumulate political influence and military power, squeezing out Altantseteg and Lubuzung and becoming Mengu Temur’s key advisor while also beginning to bring back some of the autonomous tumens back under control.

Meanwhile, the Dzungars would be wiped off the political map by the Yarkand Khanate, an eastern relic of the medieval Chagatai Khanate situated in the Tarim Basin. Galdan Boshugtu Khan of the Dzungars organized an invasion of Yarkand in 1678 after allying with Khoja Hidayatullah, a Naqshbandi Sufi imam who had been exiled by Yarkent ruler Baba Khan. However, this invasion proved disastrous for the already weakened Dzungars and soon the tables completely turned when Ismail Khan encroached upon their enemy’s own land. In 1680, Galdan Boshugtu was killed in battle and his capital of Gholja fell to Yarkand, ending a period of Dzungar independence [1]. Tsewang Rabatan would be installed as a vassal prince to Yarkent [2] while other Dzungar princes continued their resistance. Some of them would participate in a retaliatory but ultimately unsuccessful invasion by the Altan khan of the Khalka federation, Erinchin Lobsang Tayiji.

In the aftermath of Yarkand’s subjugation of the Dzungars, the khanate would experience something of a golden age. With the disappearance of the nomadic Dzungars from the political stage, Baba Khan and his son and successor Abd-ar Rashid II strengthened economic ties and diplomatic relations with the Kazakh Khanate, a realm historically a target of Dzungar raids. The overland trade routes of the old Silk Road, disconnected and moribund since the 15th century, began to flourish once again across central Asia. From the capital of Yarkent, goods also flowed in and out through Ladakh and Tibet, even reaching the populous cities of the Mughal realm. Being a fellow ruler of notable Turko-Mongol lineage (Timurid in his case), Aurangzeb even exchanged embassies and gifts between Delhi and Yarkent.​

Ming depiction of Baba Khan and his courtiers​

This brief golden age, however, soon attracted the attention of Ming emperor Yongwu, particularly as the former had begun to lapse in its tribute to Beijing ever since it had conquered the Dzungars and begun strengthening ties with its Turkic neighbors. Yongwu was also enticed by the opportunity to revive Chinese sway over not just the Tarim Basin but also across central Asia like how it was during the golden age of the Tang dynasty. In 1692, he sent an ultimatum to Abd-ar Rashid II, demanding more tribute as well as a right to send military and civilian officials to Turpan and Kashgar to help coordinate and regulate the overland trade going to and from the Ming realm. This in effect would’ve made the khanate a Chinese protectorate, something Yarkent would not allow. However, Yongwu had expected such a response and promptly sent an army into the Tarim Basin, which was able to unseat the Yarkent khan after a year. Beijing would subsequently establish military garrisons in Gholja, Yarkent, Kashgar, and Turpan and demarcate the Tarim Basin as the Western Protectorate. Dzungaria was made independent again while Abd-ar Rashid II was deposed in favor of his younger brother Muhammad Imin Khan.

For all of his geopolitical tact, however, there remained a sense of vulnerability at home in Yongwu’s mind. The emperor’s policies had enhanced the power and prestige of the military and mercantile classes to the dismay and disappointment of the scholars within the administration, eunuchs and non-eunuchs alike, who generally disapproved of Yongwu’s overseas schemes. Yongwu himself had always mistrusted these Confucian bureaucrats from the time he had ascended to the throne as a teenager, finding ways to subvert and circumnavigate their oversight and institutional power. The more their criticism and disapproval increased, the greater the emperor’s paranoia became. An early sign of this was the imprisonment and execution of eunuch Wang Cixuan, a top-ranking bureaucrat in Yongwu’s court, in 1687 after an imperial agent got a hold of a private letter scathingly criticizing the emperor’s “disregard for tradition”. However, this would pale in comparison to Yongwu’s response to the Confucian critique of his military campaign against Yarkand and the establishment of a military protectorate, the emperor accused of disrupting social order through empowerment of the military aristocracy and prioritization of “unworldly interests rooted in greed” like control of the Tarim Basin’s trade in numerous writings. Yongwu proceeded to conduct a mass purge of not only his critics but also their families and close associates. This purge went on between 1693 and 1695 and upon its conclusion, the emperor had completely consolidated absolute power in China. However, it cost Beijing many experienced government officials and frightened those remaining into silence and these outcomes would negatively impact the realm down the line.

Compared to the events that unfolded among the Chinese, Mongol, and Turkic peoples in and around the Ming realm, Joseon’s situation stabilized through the end of the 17th century. After the 1680 coup that overthrew state councilor Song Si-yeol, king Sukjong came to have a freer rein in Joseon’s governance. The young king gathered a mix of moderate Confucian scholars and reform-minded military officers to help guide his rule, adopting many Sirhak principles. Under Sukjong’s purview, the mun currency would be standardized and more widely circulated, promoting and easing domestic and international trade. Entry into the civil service would also be liberalized towards the middle classes, injecting new blood into the government ranks. A new foreign policy would be implemented as well that saw relations with the Japanese recover and commercial ties with the Dutch and English resume, with the French also able to establish an office in Busan in the 1690s. Meanwhile, Sukjong’s military advisors pushed advancements in naval technology and a defensive policy on the northern border, empowering descendants of Jurchen defectors in the task of keeping an eye on Hetu Ala and Baichali’s ambitions.​

Portrait of King Sukjong of Joseon​

Despite the political turnaround of the reformers in the peninsular kingdom, the conservative neo-Confucians retained a degree of influence at court through the favor of Queen Inhyeon. Because of this, they were able to slow down or even halt many progressive Silhak-inspired reforms. The queen’s own standing, however, became jeopardized when Sukjong’s consort Hui gave birth to Yi Yun, the king’s first son, in 1688. Hui was regarded as one of the beautiful and charming women in the kingdom and known to be more amicable to the reformers at court. Fearing that she would be replaced as queen, Inhyeon schemed with the conservative faction to topple the reformers, now led by Yun Jeung and naval admiral Yi San-seon, from power. In 1689, numerous conservative scholars began appealing to the king to depose his consort and disinherit his son on the scandalous claim that consort Hui had cuddled with Ham Ji-Tae, a notable court eunuch and reformer, for comfort. This backfired, however, as Sukjong saw straight through their lies, rounding up all of them and summarily ordering their execution. One of them was Kim Chun-taek [3], one of Inhyeon’s favorites, and his involvement made it clear where the conspiracy had originated from. In the aftermath of this failed conspiracy, Inhyeon was deposed as queen in favor of consort Hui, eliminating any relevant power the conservative faction had remaining. These events proved to be the most disruptive of what was otherwise a peaceful period for Joseon and only further cemented the power of moderates and reformers in the court of king Sukjong.

[1]: IOTL, the Dzungars subjugate the Yarkand Khanate.

[2]: He is Galdan Boshugtu Khan’s successor IOTL.

[3]: Involved in Inhyeon’s OTL comeback in 1694 that doesn’t happen ITTL.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 134: Rise of the Gekijo - Music and Theater In 17th Century Japan​

​

As Japan rapidly urbanized, various forms of theater and related entertainment became ever more accessible to the average Japanese person in the cities. To keep pace with this growing demand, large gekijo playhouses (劇場) would begin to be built. Before this, theater and performances like sarugaku (猿楽) used the indoor spaces of temples, shrines, and residences of high-ranking samurai and court nobles, restricting their accessibility to those of privilege for the most part. Early structures and buildings specifically to accommodate popular consumption of kabuki and other theater were therefore built in the early 17th century with the popularization of among commoners. The first one, called Naniwa-za (難波座) was built in Sakai in 1634 and quickly began the center of Japanese theater. This was followed by the construction of a second one in Sakai called Asaka-za (浅香座) and one in Azuchi called Hachiman-za (八幡座). In the late 17th century, more of these gekijo would slowly emerge one by one in Japan’s biggest cities and it was in these spaces that kabuki (歌舞伎), bunraku (文楽), noraku (能楽), and other forms of entertainment would take place and captivate audiences composed of all social classes. The biggest ones were able to accommodate a variety of theater forms while others were more exclusively aimed at hosting kabuki performances [1].

The spread of gekijo particularly played a hand in popularizing kabuki, a form of theater originating during the 17th century. Its roots could be traced to the ex-miko of Izumo Taisha, Izumo no Okuni (出雲阿国), who gathered an all-female troupe in the early 1600s and began performing on the Shijogawara riverbed (四条河原) of the Kamo River (鴨川). Her troupe quickly became popular to the point where she was asked to perform before the Imperial Court and later at Azuchi Castle in front of daijo-daijin Oda Nobunori. Rival groups quickly began to form and soon kabuki spread throughout Japan’s urban centers across all social classes from high-ranking samurai to lowly townspeople. Among these groups included those predominantly made up of teenage actors known as wakashu-kabuki (若衆歌舞伎) to contrast with the female yujo-kabuki (遊女歌舞伎). Kabuki, however, quickly faced criticism from the ruling classes for its often suggestive themes and the intermixing of different social classes at performances. Although there were some voices who called for its ban as early as the 1620s, pressing overseas issues and the economic influence of the merchant class delayed any sort of regulation until the 1650s when the kobu kanpaku Konoe Toshishige, influenced by the court nobility, issued a nationwide ban in 1658. Under Kanbe Tomoyoshi, however, this ban was reversed and replaced with regulations that seeked to tone down the sexual themes of many performances and promote all-male groups that performed more serious stories [2]. Ironically, however, these regulations would diversify kabuki and distinguish it further from nogaku which kabuki had first derived from. Through Azuchi’s promotion of all-male groups, yaro-kabuki (野郎歌舞伎) would join yujo-kabuki and wakashu-kabuki as a vibrant genre within kabuki. This was particularly due to the work of playwright Chikamatsu Monzaemon (近松門左衛門) whose kabuki tragedies and romances often involving double-suicide plots established him as one of Japan’s foremost dramatists and truly separated yaro-kabuki as a more serious and dramatic theater form compared to its more comedic and suggestive counterparts.​

Depiction of an early yujo-kabuki performance​

Although kabuki had become the dominant attraction at gekijo by the end of the century, other forms of entertainment were not absent either. Nogaku, which up until the 17th century had been referred to as sarugaku and had been a progenitor of kabuki theater, continued to co-exist, being especially patronized by the samurai and court nobility in addition to being performed at gekijo. Meanwhile, bunraku (文楽), like kabuki, also arose in the 17th century, specifically in Sakai [3]. However, in contrast to the live theater of kabuki, bunraku utilized puppet theater in tandem with the rise and diversification of Japanese dolls and figures. Like kabuki, its growth was fostered by the work of Chikamatsu Monzaemon who also authored many bunraku plays. Meanwhile, at Iriebashi’s Wakamatsu-za (若松座), kunqu theater from the mainland became performed on a regular basis alongside kabuki, bunraku, and noraku to cater to the large Chinese population whereas it was only rarely performed in the cities of the home islands.

Accompanying the evolution of these entertainment forms were changes to Japanese music including the adoption of new instruments. The most significant of these changes was the widespread adoption of the shamisen (三味線) which came from the Ryukyu kingdom to Sakai in the late 16th century. It quickly became a popular alternative to the traditional biwa (琵琶) especially in narrative music genres like sekkyo-bushi (説教節) and joruri (浄瑠璃) and particularly became popular among commoners in urban and rural areas alike. The shamisen also found its way in the new theater of kabuki and bunraku alongside nogaku instruments like the taiko drum (太鼓), tsuzumi hand drum (鼓), and nokan flute (能管). Another foreign import was the virginal harpsichord from Europe [4]. Although other European instruments like the organ and viola had been introduced and been readily played by the Dutch and Portuguese before figures like Nobunaga, the virginal would be one that the Japanese would incorporate natively due to its small size and distinct sound. In the first half of the 17th century, virginal making would be adopted by Japanese craftsmen who based their construction on Italian-made imports. The latter half, however, saw influences from Flemish imports by the Ruckers family in their construction. Despite this intake, however, the virginal would largely be limited to the wealthy and upper classes of society, only occasionally performed to the wider public in the streets of big cities. When they were performed, however, its sound captivated all who heard it. Its most famous practitioner during the century was the court noble Nakanoin Michizumi, who was part of the Kanei Embassy and was first introduced to it during his time in Paris. He proved to be a natural at the virginal harpsichord and was so talented he even performed before the retired Emperor Mizunoo in 1648.​

Shamisen​

Ceremonial music also evolved in the 17th century to become a blend of gagaku music (雅楽) from the imperial court and the samurai class’ preferred nogaku genre through the fusion of imperial and samurai political traditions and systems, with the virginal harpsichord gaining acceptance through the success of Michizumi as a court noble and harpsichord practitioner. In the now stable Japan, performers for such ceremonial practices were given stipends, reviving the practice of musician patronization and supporting the flowering of musical talent. Among these patronized musicians were a guild of blind artists called the Todo-za (当道座) who had previously been supported by the Muromachi shogunate and were similarly patronized and given special status by Azuchi and many prominent daimyo and noble families.

[1]: Gekijo were more geared towards yaro-kabuki performances IOTL, but the coexistence of yujo-kabuki and wakashu-kabuki forms of theater incentivized greater flexibility in terms of construction.

[2]: IOTL, kabuki became an all-male entertainment form when yujo-kabuki was banned in 1629, followed by wakashu-kabuki 10 years later.

[3]: Arose in Osaka IOTL.

[4]: A unique phenomenon ITTL.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 135: Upheavals in English North America​

​

After the death of Charles I in 1654, royal power had begun a gradual resurgence under the rule of the more unassuming Charles II. Parliament’s 10 year monopoly over military and ministerial appointments ended and a royalist faction would emerge in the House of Commons itself. Additionally, though the Parliamentarians would still retain a dominant majority in the Commons, internal divisions remained between Presbyterian moderates, congregationalist Independents, and even a few radical Levellers. Nevertheless, the biennial renewal of Parliament and the inability for the king to dissolve the House of Commons would continue to limit the Crown’s power. Charles II therefore relied on his appointed ministers as well as short-term coalitions between royalists and moderate Parliamentarians in the House of Commons against the radicals. He reached the peak of his popularity after overseeing the reconstruction of London from the Great Fire of 1666 and the forging of an Anglo-Dutch alliance in 1668. However, Charles II would play too ambitious of a hand when he accepted subsidies from French to become less financially dependent on Parliament in return for neutrality in the Franco-Dutch War, turning most of the Commons against him.

England’s North American colonies would also adjust to the political and religious changes taking place in their homeland. Virginia, being the most Anglican colony prior to the war, transitioned towards Presbyterianism with the Church of England while Plymouth and its puritanical Separatism remained distant from its mother country. In the other New England colonies as well as Maryland, these changes would prove to be more disruptive. Although the Massachusetts Bay colony welcomed the dismantling of the old Church of England and its hierarchy of bishops and archbishops, its reformation into a Presbyterian church undermined the established Congregationalism and legitimized the efforts of a vocal minority advocating for a Presbyterian polity. Tensions grew when the Crown attempted to establish the Church of England throughout New England. This issue, along with attempts by England to exert greater control over its New England colonies via mercantilism, persisted without any resolution for the entirety of Charles II’s reign due to Massachusetts Bay’s status as a self-governing joint-stock colony largely independent of England. They would be resolved by the next king.

Meanwhile, Maryland’s status as a Catholic haven under the proprietary rule of the Lords Baltimore was increasingly undermined as Puritan settlers grew in numbers and sought to take over the colony. Eventually, war broke out between the colonial government and the breakaway Puritan settlement of Providence, leading to the Battle of the Severn, where the Puritans beat Governor William Stone and those loyal to Lord Baltimore. Westminster would subsequently recognize a Puritan assembly as the legitimate government of Maryland, ending proprietary rule and paving the way for anti-Catholic discrimination in the colony [1]. Many Catholic colonists would eventually emigrate to New Netherlands where they would settle amongst the Flemish and Brabantine Catholic community.​

Depiction of the Battle of the Severn​

It was in this state of affairs in which James II ascended to the throne in 1685. The younger brother of Charles II, he immediately gained Parliament’s trust and approval with his mediated end of the Franco-Dutch War. The line of succession for the House of Stuart was also secure through him, as he had had 3 sons with his young and new queen Johanna Magdalena of Saxe-Altenberg [2]: James, Charles, and Francis. Unlike his late brother, however, James would prove to be a more authoritative monarch after witnessing the decline of Crown authority in England and Scotland. His gaze first turned towards Congregationalist New England, still recalcitrant towards royal authority. In 1686, he issued a royal decree that reorganized the various colonies that made up New England as the Dominion of New England and appointed colonel Percy Kirke [3] as its first governor. Under Kirke, the Church of England would be formally established in the new colonial capital of Boston and efforts were made to harmonize colonial law with royal English law. However, Kirke’s policies were undermined and even boycotted by Puritan leaders like Cotton Mather at every turn and the new Church’s bid to incorporate the independent congregations into a new presbyterian hierarchy went nowhere.

The anti-Presbyterian Puritans would even go further and petition the dwindling but vocal minority of congregationalist Independents in Westminster to raise their grievances before the whole body and to the king. However, the royal majority in Parliament not only tabled any discussion on these grievances but accused the Independent MPs of colluding with the colony’s leadership to undermine the Crown’s authority. Although nothing would happen to the MPs, James II would send a fleet and a sizable force of English and Scottish soldiers in 1688 under the command of the Duke of Monmouth, an illegitimate son of Charles II from one of his many affairs, to Boston in order to bolster royal authority in New England [4]. With Monmouth now present, Kirke began to see success in enforcing his decrees. A proper chapel, King’s Chapel, would be built to facilitate the proper establishment of the Church of England in New England and many independent congregations began to be forced under its authority. Newly passed tax laws began to be uniformly enforced as Monmouth’s presence coerced many towns to give in and appoint commissioners that would collect the revenue. Even Kirke’s controversial proposals to force landowning colonists to confirm their titles and land grants with the new Dominion government began to see compliance, though many in Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay provinces continued their abstention from the process.​

Portrait of Percy Kirke, 1st governor of the Dominion of New England​

Nevertheless, anti-government sentiment among many Puritans remained high, their voices airing prominently at New England’s town meetings. This was when Kirke would go too far in centralizing New England and fundamentally altering its socio-political dynamics. In 1690, he issued an order to crack down on New England’s town meetings after becoming paranoid of the criticism being aired there. On April 18th, when dominion officials attempted to enforce Kirke’s order in the town of Salem, they were thrown out by the local militia. In response, a dominion militia marched into the town and confronted the hostile townspeople. The situation quickly spiraled out of control and the dominion militia ended up firing into the aggressive mob in what would be known as the Salem Massacre. Sympathetic towns, especially in Massachusetts Bay and Plymouth heavy with remaining congregationalist and Separatist churches, began raising local militias of their own and connecting with one another. An anti-Dominion resistance soon sprung up and what would become known as the Salem Revolt broke out. The anti-government side supported rolling back the Dominion’s harsh decrees and returning to the pre-Dominion society that had predominated much of New England and was successful in spreading their efforts for the first few months. However, the Dominion’s forces were able to contain this spread, managing to hold onto Boston despite an extensive attempt there by the city’s Puritans to seize it from Kirke and the Dominion’s government.​

Depiction of Dominion officials being driven out of Salem by its local militia​

Eventually, James II would be able to send reinforcements to Boston and by the end of 1691, the Dominion had suppressed much of the revolt. Kirke also died in the same year, to be succeeded by Edmund Andros. Andros noticeably would take a lighter approach towards the colonists, walking back Kirke’s previous attempt to crack down on town meetings across the board and including more colonists including congregationalists into the government. As a result, the remaining embers of the Salem Revolt were put out on their own and the Dominion quickly recovered political unity. This would help when the Castin’s War [5] broke out between France and England over border tensions between New England and New France, the interests of each country’s preferred native tribes, and Louis XIV’s ambitions in North America in 1692. After 5 years of inconclusive warfare, the Treaty of Portsmouth was signed between the two sides maintaining the prewar status quo.

It also strengthened the king’s political position at home and for the rest of the 17th century, strong royalist majorities would dominate in Parliament. Meanwhile, the congregationalist Independent faction saw its ranks drastically dwindle in coming elections as they became tied to the failed rebellion in New England. As a result, Parliament was now almost entirely made up of two factions: the pro-king Court party and the parliamentarian Country party with a smattering of radicals remaining separate from the mainstream. Through strong parliamentary majorities and the political will of the king, the Court party would monopolize the various ministerial posts of the kingdom, empowering James II and giving the Stuart monarchy the most power it had since the English Civil War.

[1]: ITTL, Westminster declines to reinstate the proprietorship, ending it 34 years earlier than IOTL.

[2]: As royal marriages with Catholics are forbidden ITTL, James marries a German Lutheran princess.

[3]: Percy Kirke was supposed to be the governor of the Dominion of New England, but his actions when suppressing the Duke of Monmouth's revolt IOTL got him dismissed. ITTL, there's no revolt by the Duke of Monmouth so he never gets dismissed.

[4]: Because James II is a Presbyterian and not a Catholic, the Duke of Monmouth never rebels and continues being a prominent member of the English government.

[5]: A name for OTL’s King William’s War but the main name for what is essentially TTL’s King William’s War.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 136: Early Days of the Era of Nobuie ​

By the time Nobuie succeeded his father as the dual chancellor and commander-in-chief of the Japanese realm, the top position had lost considerable power since the days of Nobutomo and Nobutsugu. Although those two individuals had governed the realm with the consultation and backing of the Sangi-shu, the imperial court, and the regional daimyo clans, they had generally done as they pleased for the most part, their talent and prestige overcoming symbolic checks on their power. Under Nobuhiro, however, the Sangi-shu and the Shinka-in to a lesser extent had become the main centers of governance, with Nobuhiro having presided over meetings less frequently than any of his predecessors. Additionally, the position of inspector-general had regained prestige and power not seen since the days of Saito Yoshioki through the appointment of Oda clan member Kudo Kanefuyu, with the latter having been a sort of chief of staff to the daijo-daijin. Finally, Japan had not been involved in major military campaigns since the Asiatic Northern War, diminishing the importance of Japan’s military ever since. Although Nobuie would evidently not be a mere figurehead as the new daijo-daijin, he could not also reverse nearly 50 years of history and precedent. Therefore, he would take a different approach in reconsolidating power around the position of daijo-daijin once again.

One of the first things he did was to recall Tsuda Takeakira from his Kanazawa magistracy, making him the new inspector-general. In this way, he was able to install his right hand man to the most significant office in the Azuchi bureaucracy. Nobuie would also begin to preside over Sangi-shu meetings more frequently but notably preserved its independence by not doing so every time and continuing to give a degree of deference to the institution. Instead, he would rely on his old allies in the body to maintain control over the Sangi-shu’s discussions and proceedings. Musashino Toshikatsu and Kakizaki Norihiro would be early leaders of what would be known as the Daijo-ha (太政派), essentially the pro-Nobuie faction in the Sangi-shu and Shinka-in. These decisions would slowly gather together a core group of Nobuie loyalists, many of whom were from traditionally less prominent clans and statuses, that would help steer his administration. In this way, Nobuie was able to centralize power without upsetting the established political order within the first few years.​

Portrait of Tsuda Takeakira​

This can also be seen with how he handled the old Kanbe faction within the government. When Miyoshi Yasutsugu died in 1699, a seat on the Sangi-shu reserved for Oda clan members opened up with Kanbe Tomozane’s son Yoshihiro emerging as Yasutsugu’s replacement. This risked reviving the faction’s power within the government especially as Yoshihiro played a significant role in handling his father’s role whenever Tomozane was absent from Azuchi for important meetings. Rather than denying Yoshihiro an appointment to the Sangi-shu, however, Nobuie would neuter the former’s power. In return for being appointed to the body, the childless Yoshihiro would be forced to designate Kitabatake Nagakiyo (北畠長清) as the heir to the Kanbe clan, the latter changing his name to Kanbe Yoshikiyo (神戸吉清). This way, the clan and the governorship of Luson would be vested in the hands of a less threatening individual upon Yoshihiro’s eventual death, and this would even reduce Yoshihiro’s power and influence in the present, preventing a resurgence of his old faction.

With everything set the way he wanted, Nobuie proceeded to freely advance his own policies. He was finally able to greenlight a Japanese claim over the entirety of Karafuto, tasking Chinjufu shogun Nanbu Yukinobu with subduing the independent Nivkh and other tribes on the northern end of the island. Gathering several thousand men from his own retinue and those of other Oshu lords, Yukinobu sailed to Oodomari in 1700. He first requested renewed tribute from the natives of southern Karafuto before advancing contingents of his men into the north, slowly making contact with the northern tribes. Many of them, either already trading with the Japanese or fearing the technological superiority of Yukinobu’s army, peacefully submitted to the chinjufu shogun and offered tribute without resistance. Those who resisted would be dealt with, most of the island coming under Azuchi by the end of the decade. This process was briefly delayed with Yukinobu’s death in 1702, although his younger brother Katsunobu (南部勝信) would take over and continue the effort. In addition to the gradual subjugation of the entirety of Karafuto island, Nobuie would continue policies towards increasing Japanese presence in the Ezo Sea and the far northern frontier in general.

Nobuie would also embark upon a series of military reforms especially focused on the state of the shogunal armies. Having largely not seen action for the past 30 years, the Japanese army had remained largely stagnant, especially the infantry. Knowledge from overseas had informed scholars of the advancements and changes in militaries across the world, leading many in the government including Nobuie himself to fear that Japan would begin to fall behind in a consequential manner. This led to the Genroku Army Reforms (元禄の陸軍改革) of the early 1700s. Organizationally, Nobuie would simplify the pre-existing shogunal structure to north, south, east, and west. The new northern shogun (征北大将軍) was essentially the old chinjufu shogun but with confirmed authority over Ezo, Karafuto, and the Ezo Sea. Meanwhile, the new southern shogun’s authority (征南大将軍) extended over Bireito and Luson provinces. Other reforms mainly focused on modernizing the infantry’s tactics and outfits. Plug bayonets would begin to be formally adopted as an alternative to the system of interspersed ranks of yari-wielding men amongst musketeer formations, though they required additional training.

The biggest change was the changeover in battle attire. With gunpowder weapons now dominant in samurai armies, armor became less necessary and was even viewed as a mobility hindrance for infantrymen. Thus, after months of research and brainstorming, Azuchi issued a new standard uniform for the infantry of the shogunal armies. Gone was the old ashigaru style of armor, which had become lighter throughout the 17th century already, except for the suneate (臑当) greaves, kote (籠手) vambrances, and tekko (手甲) gauntlets. Musketeers instead would mainly wear kosode and hakama (袴) while retaining the ashigaru-style jingasa hat. Additionally, infantry officers would also wear a different variation of jingasa hat. Yari-wielding infantry, however, would largely retain their old armor and continue to exist among the musketeer ranks although in ever-decreasing ratios and numbers. Cavalry, meanwhile, would not be affected due to their status as higher-ranking samurai retainers and the fact that many of them owned and wore their own unique armor sets. They would continue to be an evolving version of the type of samurai cavalry defined by the late Sakuma Moritora.​

New outfit of the Japanese shogunal musketeer (not exact but closest thing I could get)

Jingasa worn by infantry officers under the Genroku reforms​

Although Nobuie’s own military pursuits contributed to the enactment of the Genroku reforms, events abroad also influenced the daijo-daijin’s decision to reform the army as soon as possible. While Japan continued to enjoy a period of peace and stability, the extinction of the Spanish Habsburg line with the death of Charles II in 1700 plunged Europe into crisis and war. On one side was the Franco-Spanish alliance, led by Louis XIV and supportive of his grandson Philip of Anjou’s enthronement as the new Spanish king. The other side backed the claim of the Holy Roman Emperor’s brother Charles and consisted of England/Scotland, the Netherlands, and much of the Holy Roman Empire with the exception of pro-French archbishoprics, Bavaria, and neutral Brandenburg-Prussia [1]. This dispute would break out into what would be known as the Bourbon Wars [2], a series of interconnected conflicts across different parts of the world that constituted the first widely recognized world war. While the main European theater would be referred to as the War of the Spanish Succession, the North American theater would be called the First Intercolonial War [3] with overlapping Anglo-French claims and Dutch interests bringing war there.

Meanwhile, an unrelated succession crisis in Lan Xang after the death of king Sourigna Vongsa in 1694 eventually attracted the attention of Siam and Dai Viets as different claimants sought the assistance of both states. When the pro-Siamese prince Kitsarat, based from the northern city of Luang Prabang, launched an invasion against the new king Ong Lo, who happened to be backed by Dai Viet, the latter would request Dutch support in this Indochinese conflict [4]. This in turn triggered French intervention on Siam’s side, the situation quickly spiraling into a greater colonial conflict throughout Southeast Asia that would be known as the East Indies War. Things quickly stacked up against the Franco-Siamese when the English and Portuguese joined the Dutch, the latter having switched sides in the wider war after an Anglo-Dutch naval victory at Vigo Bay. The anti-Bourbon side, holding naval supremacy outside of Siamese waters, would begin to make preparations for an amphibious takeover of Manila and the Spanish Philippines. In this dire situation, France would send letters and messengers requesting support against the enemy coalition to various countries. To ensure total victory, the VOC would similarly send out letters and messengers, although mostly for the purpose of foiling French efforts. Both of them, however, had one particular country on their mind.

Within the span of one week in late September, Oda Nobuie would receive notice of the requests of both the French and Dutch in regards to the ongoing conflict between the Bourbons and anti-Bourbons. His decision was about to determine the course of not only Asia but the globe.

[1]: Brandenburg-Prussia will not participate in this war.

[2]: TTL’s name for what we know as the War of the Spanish Succession, although the latter term is used for the broader European theater.

[3]: TTL's name of Queen Anne's War across the board, also the French name for OTL's King William's War.

[4]: The Siamese get involved sooner due to pre-existing rivalries with Dai Viet that are much stronger than ITTL.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 137: Dutch or French​

On September 25th, 1703, daijo-daijin Oda Nobuie received Guibert Bernier, a representative of the French East India Company also acting on behalf of the French crown. Bernier carried one of the many letters the CIO was sending to indigenous powers in Asia at the time, with Tidorese sultan Hamza Faharuddin being a notable recipient as well. In these letters, the French asked each and every recipient to join the ongoing war on their side, not only going over the legitimacy of Philip of Anjou as the rightful king of Spain but also warning of an Asia overly dominated by the Dutch without any counterbalance. To Japan specifically was a promise by the French that they would enjoy the territorial spoils upon their victory that would be assured by their entry in their words, although no territories were specifically noted as being part of the islands. Upon further questioning, Bernier assured the Japanese that specific territorial aims would likely be accommodated by the CIO.

3 days later, VOC representative Geert Buys presented a letter before Nobuie as well. This letter, aimed at dissuading Japan from intervening in the conflict, offered a favorable trade deal for Azuchi in return for Japanese non-intervention in the war. However, Buys quickly found out about France’s more enticing offer of territory and so upon consultation with the Dutch merchants in Sakai and Azuchi changed the VOC’s terms. The Dutch offer now handed the entirety of the Spanish Philippines except for Manila to the Japanese if the latter intervened against the Bourbon monarchy. Buys also added that with Japanese intervention, the war would be over in less than a year as the anti-Bourbon coalition already had the edge in the Asian theater of the Bourbon Wars.

With both sides now having made their bids to Nobuie, the daijo-daijin began to consult with his advisors and councilors and dwell on both offers. In order to get an accurate picture of the Sangui-shu’s sentiments, they would meet on their own, Nobuie citing “illness” as an excuse to not preside. Instead, he would be meeting with his inner circle of advisors including Tsuda Takeakira, foreign affairs magistrate Niwa Nagamori, and his mistress Otsuma (おつま), in order to discuss the matter away from the pressure of politics. At this time, the Sangi-shu was composed of the following members:
​

Nakanoin Michishige (中院通茂)
Sassa Katsutoo (佐々勝遠)
Ito Sukezane (伊東祐実)
Nagaoka Tsugutoshi (長岡嗣利)
Otomo Yoshitaka (大友義孝)
Kakizaki Norihiro (蠣崎矩広)
Kawajiri Shigehiro (河尻鎮煕)
Urakusai Hiroie (有楽斎煕家)
Mori Hironao (森熙直)
Hashiba Hidekuni (羽柴秀国)
Kanbe Yoshihiro (神戸吉熙)
Kaga Hisachika (加賀尚親)
Inaba Tomomichi (稲葉知通)
Akita Terusue (秋田輝季)
Yanagiwara Sukekado (柳原資廉)
Murai Munetada (村井宗忠)
Takatsukasa Kanehiro (鷹司兼熙)

Blue - court nobility, orange - Oda clan member​

Many opinions sprung out at the emergency Sangi-shu meeting to specifically address the Franco-Dutch matter. Initially, the most prominent one was one supporting non-intervention in order to not disrupt Japanese trade and continue the realm’s neutrality towards the European powers. This opinion was particularly voiced by the court nobility, traditionally the most pacifistic in the Sangi-shu. Anti-Catholic sentiment also played a part, with many of the traditionalist councilors uninterested in supporting a Catholic power or conquering Catholic lands in the Philippines. Those who supported intervening in the war, however, generally supported joining on the side of the French. Councilor Hashiba Hidekuni spoke of the need to remain engaged with the outside world, even if it meant risking bloodshed and conflict. After all, they had done so in their numerous interventions onto the mainland without question in order to keep Moscow out of the Amur region and support their Jurchen ally in the Amur Khanate. Kakizaki Norihiro also spoke in support of siding with the French in the war, noting that France’s weaker position in Asia and Spanish decline meant that staying out guaranteed a Dutch victory that would only solidify the VOC’s dominance in Southeast Asia. This, he argued, would limit Japanese trade opportunities and power, making it more dependent on just one power. Norihiro’s argument regarding Dutch power, in fact, was one first pitched by Bernier in the letter to the daijo-daijin.

By contrast, Nobuie’s own private meeting swiftly settled on a conclusion. To the daijo-daijin, remaining uninvolved was out of the question for Japan and leaned towards intervening on the side of the French. Similarly to many in the Sangi-shu, he found the acquisition of the rest of the Spanish Philippines worthless with the manpower that was going to be spent subjugating its Catholic subjects without also gaining Manila. By contrast, gaining key Dutch territories and ports in the East Indies would not only open up new markets for the Japanese but also allow Azuchi to gain new sources of revenue, strengthening its central authority including that of Nobuie himself. Niwa Nagamori would only confirm the daijo-daijin’s sentiments by adding that without Japanese intervention, the Dutch would be the overwhelming victors in the Asian theater of the global conflict and that Bourbon victory due to Japanese support would give Azuchi substantial leverage over the Europeans.

The only major concern was the ambiguity of French territorial promises, as nothing had been specified by Bernier. So, Nobuie decided to make his move and ask whether the Maluku (Spice) islands or Malacca could be given to Japan upon the war’s conclusion. Japanese presence in the Moluccas would also potentially expand Azuchi’s influence into various kingdoms and sultanates in the region that were currently under Dutch sway. Additionally, the daijo-daijin would also request the addition of Manila to Japan aside from the rest of the Spanish Philippines to the Dutch offer to sweeten a potential alternative. Bernie and Buys, seeking to reach a conclusion for their respective countries as quickly as possible, did not wait to consult with their companies’ respective councils. Only the input of merchants and other countrymen in Sakai and Azuchi would factor into their decisions. Ultimately, Buys, seeing Manila as too vital for the VOC’s interests, would decline Nobuie’s demand. By contrast, Bernier would agree to specify the Spice Islands as the territorial guarantee in the event of a joint Franco-Japanese victory in the Asian theater of the war, although Malacca was determined to be too vital for French interests. The decisions of these European diplomats shifted opinion within the Sangi-shu, souring the reputation of the Dutch in what was viewed as a slight by Buys while improving the image of the French as honest partners.​

1683 map of the East Indies, including the Maluku (Spice) Islands​

After hearing from the Dutch and French and receiving a report from Kakizaki Norihiro on the sentiments of the Sangi-shu, Nobuie made up his mind. On October 26th, he sent a notice for the Shinka-in to be summoned, any available nobles and daimyo attending and those in absentia sending proxies and representatives. The meeting would take place on November 2nd in the main hall of Azuchi Castle. This session would begin with Nobuie discussing the matter at hand being the question of intervention in the ongoing global conflict between the Bourbon dynasty and the anti-Bourbon Grand Coalition, specifically its Asian theater. He then asked for their respective opinions, and after a short pause none other than Kakizaki Norihiro spoke up in favor of joining the war on the French side. He would quickly be followed by Tokugawa Hiroyasu and Mouri Hironari, two important daimyo not on the Sangi-shu. A brief debate would break out after Takatsukasa Kanehiro spoke up in favor of neutrality between the pro-French and peace advocates. Notably, no one would speak in favor of siding with the Dutch, individuals like Shimazu Hirohisa lacking the confidence to argue for by now the least favored path.

Nobuie finally ended the debate and began to speak in favor of his decision in what would become one of the most immortalized line in Japanese history:
​

I cannot entrust the Netherlands with the fate of Asia. For the sake of all the people of this realm, let us join hands with France. I ask you all to follow my command in this endeavor.
(亜州を蘭国に任せることは出来ぬ。この国の万民のため、仏国と手を組んで戦うことにする。わしの命に従うことを頼むぞ。)​

Upon this declaration, all bowed to the daijo-daijin, most enthusiastically. As Nobuie left the main hall, he would smile as joyous exclamations echoed from the mass of those who had gathered. Although events and sentiments had led to this ultimate decision, the daijo-daijin had also skillfully managed and monitored the Sangi-shu and the Shinka-in directly and behind the scenes and had effectively moved his subjects towards his desired action.​

Oda Nobuie from the TV drama Genroku Taiheiki (元禄太平記) before the gathered Shinka-in​

The following month would see the finalization of what would be known as the Niwa-Bernier Agreement of 1703. In it, Japan committed to fighting on France’s side against the Netherlands, England, and Portugal as well as their native allies in Asia in return for the Spice Islands. The agreement also renewed and expanded upon previous trade treaties between the two countries. It would later be approved by both Versailles and Azuchi. The Niwa-Bernier Agreement would be the beginning of the Franco-Japanese alliance and would only be the second instance Japan attached itself so closely to another realm, the first being the Amur Khanate. With Nobuie’s decision, Japan was set to make its impact in the Bourbon Wars, a global conflict raging in the Americas, Europe, and Asia alike.​