Nobunaga’s Ambition Realized: Dawn of a New Rising Sun
- Thread starter Ambassador Huntsman
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Yes - according to Russian-language sources, Nikifor, before taking Albazino, collected yasak (in-kind tax in the form of furs) from the local peoples, and sent it to Moscow through the local ataman. What he himself wrote about:
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I must admit I was curious myself. Especially since an Ecosia search gave me the other side of Russia. But I found it and here it is for those interested.
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A nice small chapter, if the Russians can play their cards right, they can ensure their control over the region by playing both Japan and Korea against one another and keeping themselves as the "third neutral party" they prefer because it deprives their rival from controlling the area, plus whoever is more cozy with them would essentially control the area since Russia wouldn't have much of a population so they would essentially act as subjects to whoever is stronger in the region.
Great chapter, as per usual!
I really like how the Russians have finally started to move against the Asian powers in the region, and seeing the Russians carve a corner of the Amur for themselves is interesting! I have no doubt whomever goes back for round two would be the one who's winning the war, as they're still a relatively small player in the Amur. Them being the third party both sides could use to their advantage will be the reason why the Russians would be in the Amur in general and be able to exploit it, as the players in here are all going to
yeah I think that's what they'll aim to do. How long they'll be able to maintain that and not allow the Joseon or the Japanese to gain too much power though...
I have a feeling that the Russian share of the Amur would become kinda like Quebec at the end: they would be subsumed by the main power there that has hegemony over the region at the end, and despite their want to have their own nation the main power would prevent them from fulling acting on their desires.
In fact, in the 19th century, Russia had a plan for "Yellow Russia", which included the occupation of most of Manchuria and the settlement of these territories with Russian colonists. It is important to understand that Russian colonization of the Amur region was stopped by the Manchu dynasty. Here when the Manchus are still divided and Japan and Korea do not have direct control over much of the territory.
PS - I wonder if these events will be covered in Korean and Japanese dramas? I wonder how they will portray the Cossacks.
The cossacks treating the locals nicely is already a major change- before, they were treating them as barbarians to exterminate. Long-term the locals and Russian christians probably will get along poorly, but this already slows the devastation of the region at Russian hands.
"It would be a while before Chernigovsky would have to defend Albazin again from any major power in the region"- but not that long, if it's still the same man commanding it.
"It would be a while before Chernigovsky would have to defend Albazin again from any major power in the region"- but not that long, if it's still the same man commanding it.
Chapter 105: A Snapshot of Southeast Asia
Chapter 105: A Snapshot of Southeast Asia
While East Asia experienced domestic tumult and regional conflicts in the 1650s and 1660s, Siam flourished upon the foundation of the initial “Ayutthaya Awakening” Prasat Thong had initiated in the 1630s. Upon the death of Prasat Thong, his eldest son Chaofa Chai succeeded him as king and inherited a stable and hegemonic realm, one that counted Lan Na and Cambodia as its vassals and exerted some level of economic and political influence over the Nguyen lords and the interior kingdom of Lan Xang. At the heart of the realm’s power and wealth was the capital of Ayutthaya itself, whose population approached half a million by 1665 [1]. Because of its size and commercial importance, it was nicknamed the “Venice of the East” and was easily the biggest urban center in all of Southeast Asia. The city contained numerous mercantile quarters and diaspora communities, the largest of which was Ban Yipun where the Japanese and the largest Nihonmachi anywhere was located.
Initially, the new king was opposed by his uncle, Si Suthammaracha, and his faction at court. However, Chai was able to foil a coup attempt by his uncle and his younger brother, Narai, and subsequently executed them both. Afterwards, the king focused on strengthening the realm’s domestic administration and maintaining the prosperity of Ayutthaya. Notable developments early on in his reign include a resurgence of Portuguese influence and presence as they formally won their independence from a declining Spain and they were well-positioned as a counterweight to the VOC, which was still viewed suspiciously by the Siamese court due to the latter’s ties to the realm’s rivals including the Trinh lords and Japan. Additionally, the French began to establish their own place in Siamese commercial relations. The growing number of Catholic traders in the realm in turn assisted the efforts of Jesuit missionaries present in Ayutthaya and other major ports in the realm. Amidst the commercial activity in the capital, Chai ensured a policy of balance that often played off the various foreign trading powers against one another was implemented to ensure no one power could dominate Siamese politics.
Initially, the new king was opposed by his uncle, Si Suthammaracha, and his faction at court. However, Chai was able to foil a coup attempt by his uncle and his younger brother, Narai, and subsequently executed them both. Afterwards, the king focused on strengthening the realm’s domestic administration and maintaining the prosperity of Ayutthaya. Notable developments early on in his reign include a resurgence of Portuguese influence and presence as they formally won their independence from a declining Spain and they were well-positioned as a counterweight to the VOC, which was still viewed suspiciously by the Siamese court due to the latter’s ties to the realm’s rivals including the Trinh lords and Japan. Additionally, the French began to establish their own place in Siamese commercial relations. The growing number of Catholic traders in the realm in turn assisted the efforts of Jesuit missionaries present in Ayutthaya and other major ports in the realm. Amidst the commercial activity in the capital, Chai ensured a policy of balance that often played off the various foreign trading powers against one another was implemented to ensure no one power could dominate Siamese politics.
Bird’s eye painting of Ayutthaya by Johannes Vingboons, c.1665
While Siam’s prosperity and stability continued to shine throughout the region, its immediate neighbors were flexing their own muscles as well. After the conclusion of the Nguyen-Trinh war, Trinh Trang turned inwards and focused on consolidating his gains. He died in 1657 and was succeeded by his 51 year old son Trinh Tac. Trinh Tac turned his attention to the Mac dynasty’s remnants in Cao Bang. Initial attempts were unsuccessful as the Mac were under the protection of the Ming. However, events far to the north of Dai Viet forced Beijing to shift its attention away from its southern borders, finally giving Trinh Tac the opportunity he needed to vanquish the former usurpers, In 1667, Mac Kinh Vu was captured by the Trinh lord’s forces as he tried to escape into Chinese lands and was subsequently paraded around publicly in Hanoi before being beheaded [2]. Thus concluded the existence of the Mac dynasty in Vietnamese affairs. Meanwhile, the sultanate of Johor had broken free of Acehnese domination after the Dutch acquisition of Malacca in 1633 and the death of the great Acehnese sultan Iskandar Thani in 1641. Dutch trade policy drove much of Malaccan trade to the port of Riau, which not only became a key port in the Malacca Straits but also an enlightened center of Islamic learning. Johor’s growing power also expanded into Sumatra though soon a war would break out with Jambi after a marriage proposal was rejected and relations deteriorated.
Another polity, the Maguindanao Sultanate, was experiencing an economic golden age as that realm no longer worried faced the constant threat of the Spanish on the island of Mindanao. The victorious Muhammad Kudarat implemented a series of economic reforms like the establishment of several trade monopolies on goods like wax and cloves and a license system for trading. He also modernized the military, especially the navy. Many of these reforms were made possible by the robust support Japan gave to its little ally, even sending advisors to the island sultanate. Nevertheless, Kudarat followed his own foreign policy separately from Japan, forming close ties with other sultanates in the region and maintaining friendly relations with Spain. This was to the point where he declined to declare war on Spain during the Luzon War as Maguindanao was not guaranteed any territorial or commercial cessions by Japan. Nor did he pursue the strongest relationship with the VOC as Kudarat privately felt that the Japanese trusted the Dutch, who had proved to be predatory players in the region, too much. This conservative and safe foreign policy proved fruitful for Maguindanao for it managed to stay out of conflict for the rest of the sultan’s long reign. Kudarat’s 52 year long reign, one marked by resistance and subsequent growth, finally concluded in 1671 with his death at the age of 90, to be succeeded by his son Saifuddin Tidulay.
Kudarat’s concerns of the VOC’s “predatory” nature were valid for other native kingdoms and sultanates increasingly fell under the influence of the Dutch and were often forced to make trade concessions that dismantled or established local monopolies. This was most evident with the Ternate and Tidore sultanates, though one of them would begin to drift out of the Dutch sphere of influence . After the Iberian-Japanese War, Tidore, who had previously been a Spanish ally, fell into the Dutch-Ternatan sphere of influence under the new sultan Gorontalo. Gorontalo, who had been brought to power by the two powers, was essentially their puppet as both the VOC and Ternate enriched themselves off of the sultanate’s spice trade. In return, efforts by dissatisfied nobles to replace the sultan with another member of the dynasty were suppressed. This arrangement began to change in 1648 when Gorontalo died and was succeeded by his eldest son Gurajanga [3]. Gurajanga was different from his father, being more ambitious and independent from Dutch and Ternatan influences. He not only initiated new relations with local sultanates like Maguindanao and newcomers to the mercantile scene like the English and French but also the resumption of official relations with the Spanish, made possible by the earlier conclusion of the Dutch Independence War. Gurajanga also aided a rebellion in Ternate against its sultan Mandar Syah in the 1650s, leading to a brief conflict between itself and the VOC that ended in a draw. Eventually, Gurajanga was able to confidently refuse an attempt by the VOC to completely monopolize the spice trade by exterminating spice trees in Tidore like had been done in Ternate and the Bacan sultanate earlier [4], leveraging the relations he had cultivated to raise the specter of a wider conflict the Dutch were not willing to risk triggering. Gurajanga even guaranteed recognition of Tidorese territories on the island of Papua, areas far from the reach of any East India company rich in exotic goods like ambergris and birds of paradise. The sultan would use these diplomatic victories and begin investing in the Papuan territories and establishing another channel of economic growth and development for Tidore.
Portrait of Sultan Gurajanga of Tidore
The middle of the 17th century in Southeast Asia witnessed both the entry and machinations of new mercantile players from Japan and Europe and the reactions and responses from the native sultanates and kingdoms already there. The results were both violent and prosperous as new conflicts arose while opportunities for trade opened up across yje regipm. One common theme was the growing power of the Dutch East India Company and the mistrust towards them their rise created amongst most of the polities in the region. The VOC had already thoroughly subordinated the sultanates of Bacan, Ternate, and Gowa and many powers feared that they would be next. As a result, they would continue to seek better relations with other European powers like Spain, Portugal, England, and France while also strengthening their militaries and economies should a clash become inevitable. The multipolarity of the region would continue and develop.
[1]: The sources on its exact population IOTL are all over the place so I based the number off of observations made by European visitors who compared the city’s size to Paris and London, who stood around half a million in 1665.
[2]: IOTL, the Mac are finally defeated in 1677.
[3]: Unlike OTL, where Gorontalo is assassinated and usurped by Ngalaramo’s son Saidi in 1639.
[4]: IOTL, Tidore also agrees to exterminate clove trees from its archipelago possessions.
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The Cossacks are more vulnerable and cannot afford to screw up compared to OTL, so Chernigovsky applies a lighter touch in his treatment of the natives.
ooh a focus on SEA and its various sultanates is very interesting. The Thais and Vietnamese are both becoming stronger, and I wonder how they'd become as time goes on (everyone is doing well due to Japanese and European influence over trade), but eventually the good times to end, and I'm interested in seeing how they would end up considering the various states. Also what's happening with the Burmese? They were the rivals of the Thai Empires that sprang up and I'm interested in seeing how they'd end up.
The SEA sultanates are very interesting too, the Dutch are muscling into the region and I think the Japanese will soon take notice and act accordingly post Amur war, which would strain their relationship with each other and make things in the region interesting. A minor conflict erupting between the Japanese and the Dutch over control of trade routes would be interesting, and would push the Japanese into the arms of the British (which for the British would be quite useful indeed).
Because the Qing never rise, there's no instance of the Ming emperor fleeing to Myanma only for the Qing to be invaded, so King Pindale Min isn't overthrown by his brother Pye in a coup. There's also no Burmese-Siamese war in 1662-1663 since Lan Na has been in the Siamese orbit for decades. So the Taungoo Myanma kingdom is relatively strong but isn't doing a whole lot around this time.
Ooh icic, How're they adapting to the new trade flowing through SEA? I'm sure they'd benefit from the trade, and the guns the Thais are adopting must be something of concern to the Burmese...
In terms of trade flowing between Europe and the Malacca Straits, there's only a bit more compared to OTL, the major changes are between the Malacca Straits and Sakai so as a result Myanma experiences a similar recovery from when the First Taungoo Empire collapsed.
Ah ic, that is still quite interesting, thanks for answering?
Chapter 106: Asiatic Northern War Part V - Every Island On the Table
Chapter 106: Asiatic Northern War Part V - Every Island On the Table
The Battle of Umashima cemented a stalemate on the seas, with Japan unsuccessful at breaking Joseon’s stranglehold over the Tsushima straits or the amphibious besieging of Tsushima Island itself. Nor could Byeon Ge-up seize control of the Kanmon straits and its increasingly fortified and garrisoned shores on both sides. The Joseonite admiral therefore turned his attention towards taking the Okishima and Iki islands and harassing the coasts of Kyushu. Sengoku Masatoshi and Matsura Shigenobu, whose domains encompassed Oki and Iki Islands respectively, had been expecting such a move to come ever since war broke out in the seas. As such, they had been preemptively bolstering the islands’ defenses, stocking up on provisions, and taking in reinforcements from the home islands.
An attack upon Iki island came first on July 20th in conjunction with Byeon Ge-up’s strategy of harassing coastal Kyushu. While the main navy quickly surrounded the island, smaller ships attacked any Japanese ships they came across and unleashed cannonfire upon various coastal batteries and fishing villages. The Joseon navy quickly faced a formidable response that ended any chance of taking the island, however. Firstly, Iki was close enough to Kyushu proper where Joseon ships could be bombarded from the coast, and this disrupted Joseon’s encirclement of the island. Secondly, Tagawa Seikou and the main navy had finally arrived, reinforced by ships from the various Kyushu daimyo. They swiftly rebuffed the smaller ships raiding the coasts and headed north to break the encirclement. Alerted of Seikou’s approach, Byeon Ge-up weighed the possibility of abandoning the assault and reforming for the open seas to directly confront the Japanese navy. Due to the complicated nature of such a maneuver in a rather short amount of time, he decided against going down that path and instead retreated in good order from Iki, ending the assault after only 6 days. The island had been saved.
An attack upon Iki island came first on July 20th in conjunction with Byeon Ge-up’s strategy of harassing coastal Kyushu. While the main navy quickly surrounded the island, smaller ships attacked any Japanese ships they came across and unleashed cannonfire upon various coastal batteries and fishing villages. The Joseon navy quickly faced a formidable response that ended any chance of taking the island, however. Firstly, Iki was close enough to Kyushu proper where Joseon ships could be bombarded from the coast, and this disrupted Joseon’s encirclement of the island. Secondly, Tagawa Seikou and the main navy had finally arrived, reinforced by ships from the various Kyushu daimyo. They swiftly rebuffed the smaller ships raiding the coasts and headed north to break the encirclement. Alerted of Seikou’s approach, Byeon Ge-up weighed the possibility of abandoning the assault and reforming for the open seas to directly confront the Japanese navy. Due to the complicated nature of such a maneuver in a rather short amount of time, he decided against going down that path and instead retreated in good order from Iki, ending the assault after only 6 days. The island had been saved.
Portrait of Matsura Shigenobu
After driving Byeon Ge-up out of the area, Tagawa Seikou set his eyes on liberating Tsushima, where Sou Yoshizane continued his resistance against the Joseon fleet albeit with less men and less supplies every passing day. By the middle of the summer, Japanese control of the island had been reduced to Kaneishi Castle and its immediate surroundings. When more ships from the former assault force against Iki began joining the enemy fleet, things looked bleaker than ever and Yoshizane even began writing his final will and preparing for his seemingly inevitable seppuku. On August 14th, however, a Shimazu vanguard of ships commanded by Hongou Hisamoto (北郷久元) reached Tsushima and exchanged fire with the Joseon fleet, attempting to break the encirclement. Caught by surprise, Gim Jeong-il lost a few ships against his Shimazu foe before Hisamoto’s fleet snuck away. A few days later, the Japanese returned, this time directly overseen by Seikou and accompanied by more ships. This time, the Japanese broke the encirclement, forcing Jeong-il’s fleet to retreat and relieving Tsushima of its months-long besieging.
Okishima wouldn’t be so lucky. A smaller fleet had begun a preliminary assault upon the island on July 23rd, and they would also be reinforced by many of the ships from the Iki invasion force. Sengoku Masatoshi had only 1,000 men and lacked less provisions and defenses than the larger Tsushima. Most of the province quickly fell outside of Oki Castle (隠岐城) [1] and on August 7th, the Joseon fleet successfully broke through the defenses of the fortified stronghold. Masatoshi would commit seppuku and although scattered resistance continued into the fall, Okishima was now under Joseonite control. The neighboring islands of Nishinoshima (西ノ島), Chiburijima (知夫里島), and Nakanoshima (中ノ島) also fell in the aftermath of the fall of Okishima. The capture of Oki province was humiliating for Japan as for the first time in nearly 4 centuries, a foreign power had successfully invaded the home islands. Worse, Seikou could not immediately respond and attempt to capture the islands, for Byeon Ge-up still commanded a formidable navy that now wrestled with the Japanese navy over control of the Tsushima Straits. The task of retaking the islands would be left to Nanbu Naofusa, who was still preoccupied with transporting the rest of Kaga Nagaaki’s army to the mainland and remaining on guard to prevent Joseon from either disrupting that task or holding dominion over the more northerly waters.
These developments on the seas continued to exacerbate growing economic concerns and disruptions of trade as the war made the seas more dangerous traversing for anyone, including foreign and native merchants. This was especially the case in Sakai and Shimonoseki, who heavily relied on the Kanmon Straits and saw all of its trade impacted. Economic anxiety quickly transitioned into outright xenophobia towards resident Joseonites, and the latter became scapegoated and frequently experienced public mockery and discrimination. The xenophobia reached new heights after the capture of Oki province and would lead to horrific events. In September, the local magistrates of both cities succumbed to paranoia and ordered the arrest and detainment of prominent Joseonite merchants suspected of being spies for the Joseon government. News of this quickly spread among the populace, and a handful decided to take matters into their own hands. On the night of October 1st, the Anti-Joseon Riot of Shimonoseki (下関反朝鮮一揆) took place, where a large angry mob gathered and decided to take matters into their own hands, breaking into and plundering the Joseon quarter of the city. Several women were raped while many men were dragged out of the homes and beaten or even lynched in some cases. It was a few hours before the magistrate’s men arrived on the scene and ended the bloody carnage, but it was too late and the riot had claimed 24 casualties and dozens more injured. Smaller incidents took place in Sakai but were quickly suppressed by the local magistrate there. Nevertheless, damage had been done and diplomatic relations between the two warring nations plummeted and the Shimonoseki riot triggered a mass exodus of Joseonite merchants and resident artisans took place throughout the entire realm.
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As economic anxiety and xenophobia gripped urban centers on the home islands, the war on the sea continued. The Japanese now laid their eyes on Jeju Island as they hoped to oust Joseon entirely from its own islands. The main obstacle to this lofty goal was of course Byeon Ge-up and his formidable armada, and Tagawa Seikou knew that a direct clash with his Joseonite rival was inevitable. Despite this looming threat, he set off for Jeju Island with his main fleet, seemingly preparing for an amphibious invasion of the island. Naturally, Joseon’s chief admiral set off to intercept the Japanese before they could reach Jeju. What Byeon Ge-up didn’t know was that he had fallen directly into a trap, for Seikou had anticipated such a move and had ordered Hongou Hisamoto to lead a smaller fleet from Kyushu towards the Geomundo archipelago. In fact, Seikou had no intention of committing to an invasion of Jeju at that point and was seeking to draw the Joseon fleet into open waters to be eviscerated. His plan came to fruition on November 6th, 1667 just off the island of Daesambudo, a part of the Geomundo archipelago. The Joseon fleet headed straight towards Tagawa Seikou’s fleet numbered 49 ships while the latter was made up of 34 ships, with Hisamoto’s contingent made up of 22 ships. Seikou was accompanied by many of his personal junks and he positioned himself in his personal ship, the Zheng, which was the largest and most formidable warship in the Japanese navy.
Pre-battle formation (blue = Joseon, salmon = Japan)
The battle began with the 3 contingents of the Joseon navy boxing in the Japanese from the north and west. Supporting Byeon Ge-up on the western wing of the Joseon navy was Gim Jeong-il who sought to recover from the humiliating end of the besieging of Tsushima. Per Joseon tactics, the panokseon ships were concentrated on the frontlines, supported by galleons and other heavy warships, while more modest ships formed the middle and reserve ranks. Tagawa Seikou deployed the heavy portion of galleons northwards and despite their numerical inferiority, their firepower gave him the edge on the northern front. The Japanese navy faced more difficulties from the northwest and west but Seikou’s experience and shrewdness more than matched that of Byeon Ge-up’s. Nevertheless, Seikou knew that unless Hisamoto’s fleet arrived on time, he would probably lose. Luckily, his deputy arrived with his fleet a few hours into the naval battle, sweeping behind the western wing of the Joseon navy. By the time Jeong-il saw them, Hisamoto’s ships had begun firing upon his own contingent, and Jeong-il’s wing would crumble before the relentless cannonfire coming from both sides. Gim Jeong-il himself would drown in the ocean along with many of his ships and sailors. Meanwhile, the rest of the Joseon navy started experiencing heavier losses and it wasn’t long before Byeon Ge-up ordered a retreat back to Busan. In the end, Joseon had lost 17 ships while Seikou had lost just 5, marking the Battle of Daesambudo as a decisive Japanese victory.
Latter half of the battle
Seikou’s true intent soon revealed themselves when he declined to follow up on the victory and assault Jeju Island, his ships sailing back to Shimonoseki and Nagasaki to wait out the winter. That task would be saved for the following year. This further embarrassed Byeon Ge-up, and he was subsequently removed from his post and replaced by Yi Sang-seon. The new chief admiral of the Joseon navy was faced with a completely new state of affairs in the seas. Now, Joseon was largely on the defensive, its gains completely reversed outside of Oki province. He would spend the winter constructing new ships, mobilizing new sailors, and repairing the damages wrought by the Japanese in recent months. When the new year dawned, the naval war would inevitably intensify once again.
[1]: Built in 1611 ITTL.
[1]: Built in 1611 ITTL.
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