I'm seeing for more Chinese "Kosybernetics" rather than more of the OTL market liberalization, because, frankly, hardline ideology is stronger in China ITTL; I think they wouldn't pull a Deng in terms of reform, rather ape what the USSR did (I think the USSR ITTL has already fixed its stagnation problem, as I think it is almost impossible to disregard consumer goods without reforming technologically).
Stars and Sickles - An Alternative Cold War
- Thread starter Hrvatskiwi
- Start date
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- Tags
- cold war
Hmmm, we have some disagreement here. Good thing I've made a decision on it already. I'm keeping it pretty secret, but the one thing that I will say is that it's a little bit of both.
You make it sound like it's over!
But much appreciated OK, I get your point. Thank goodness China still reforms based from your post.
Yay China won't be murdered (by the Gang of Four and such)!
Deleted member 67076
Been reading this, been loving this. Slightly upset with what happened to my country tho. But eh, its just a story.
Been reading this, been loving this. Slightly upset with what happened to my country tho. But eh, its just a story.
Thanks Sov! What country is that, may I ask?
Chapter 45: Your Country, Or Mine? - Malaysia and Singapore (1955-1970)
Your Country, Or Mine? Singapore and Malaya (1955-1970)
The failure of the Malaysia project produced a visible break in the political continuity between Malaya and Singapore. In most circles, the Federation of Malaysia has been seen as an essentially-unworkable entity, one that never had the chance to hold onto its unity. Instead, the Bornean territories achieved independence in 1969 as North Kalimantan, essentially a satellite state of Indonesia. Singapore, which was expelled from the federation in 1965, would turn to a more urban form of socialism.
Since achieving autonomy from the United Kingdom in 1955, Singapore had been a city in turmoil. The first government of Singapore, led by David Marshall, had been discredited by police handling of the Hock Lee bus riots, a labour dispute that rapidly escalated into an anti-colonial demonstration. A year later, the so-called 'middle school riots' broke out amongst students, increasing tension between the local government and Chinese students and unionists, suspected of having communist sympathies. In the same year, Marshall led a delegation to London to negotiate for complete self-rule in the Merdeka Talks, but the British were reluctant to give up control over internal security over fears of communist influence in the trade unions throughout the city. This fail was the final nail in the political coffin of David Marshall, who resigned his position upon his return from London. The new Chief Minister, Lim Yew Hock, cracked down on communist and leftist groups, imprisoning many trade union leaders and several pro-communist members of the People's Action Party (PAP) under the Internal Security Act (ISA). The British approved and agreed to grant complete internal self-government in 1957. Elections for the legislative assembly commenced in May 1959. PAP won in a landslide, winning 43 of the 51 seats, making Lee Kuan Yew, leader of PAP, Singapore's first Prime Minister.
Lee Kuan Yew, first Prime Minister of Singapore
In neighbouring Malaya, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the largest Malay party, and the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) managed to hammer out a settlement with the British over the question of race which dogged Malayan politics. It was decided that the Head of State would be drawn from the Malay sultans and that Malay would remain the preeminent national language. In 1957, the Federation of Malaya was granted independence from Britain within the Commonwealth of Nations, with UMNO head Tunku Abdul Rahman as the first Prime Minister. On the 24th April 1961, Lee Kuan Yew first proposed the Malaysia plan to Abdul Rahman. By the 9th of May, Lee had sent the final written version of his proposal to Abdul Rahman and Tun Abdul Razak, the Deputy Prime Minister.
On 31 August 1963, the Federation of Malaysia came into being, incorporating Peninsular Malaya, Singapore and the Bornean territories of North Kalimantan and Brunei. The federation was opposed by various groups in North Borneo, as well as by the Barisan Socialis Party in Singapore (although not opposed to federation with Malaya per se, they saw the Federation of Malaysia's constitutional framework as oriented towards the construction of an imperialist proxy). Despite acceding to the federation, UMNO had been made nervous by Singapore's inclusion in the federation, only agreeing due to the presence of the Bornean territories to counteract the Chinese majority in Singapore. Furthermore, both UMNO and the MCA were concerned about the possible appeal of Lee's PAP in Malayan electorates. They instead tried to set up an opposition party in Singapore. In response, Lee threatened to run candidates in Malaya at the 1964 Federal Elections, in contravention of an earlier agreement that both parties would stick to their respective regions. Increasing concerns over the workability of the federation and the political difficulty in introducing a customs union led to Singapore's expulsion from Malaysia on 7th August 1965. The vote was unanimous, but with no Singapore MPs present.
Tunku Abdul Rahman, first Prime Minister of independent Malaya
With independence, Singapore faced a number of uncertainties. Concerns about security remained after the bombing of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank building on March 10th, 1965, which left 3 dead and 33 injured. By that time, 29 bombs had already been set off in Singapore by Indonesian commandos. In 1964, race riots had erupted sporadically after a 21st July procession by Malays in honour of the Prophet Mohammed's birthday degenerated into violence. Singapore also faced challenges with unemployment (which ran between 10-12%), housing, education and the lack of land and natural resources. The Economic Development Board, established in 1961, constructed an industrial estate in Jurong, attracted foreign investment using trade incentives, expanded the service industry to supply the increasing demands of the Port, as well as incentivising the construction of oil refineries in Singapore by Shell and Esso. The government also increased investment into education, which was primarily provided for in the English language. Despite these actions, the PAP narrowly lost the 1968 election to the Barisan Socialis, who maintained many of the economic structures founded by Lee Kuan Yew's party, whilst orientating them towards a more socialist leaning, and favouring Chinese in higher education rather than English.[137]
In Malaya, the issue of triracial relations between the Malays, Chinese and primarily-Tamil Indians continued to play out inside the political arena. In 1957, the Malays composed 55% of the population, whilst the Chinese comprised around 35% and the Indians approximately 10% out of a population of around 5 million. With the inclusion of Singapore, the Chinese proportion of the country rose to 40%. Of particular concern was the issue of language in Malaya, whose Chinese minority was disproportionately influential in the economic sphere. The University of Malaya (which moved in 1963 from Singapore to Kuala Lumpur) primarily taught in English, which the Chinese and Indians tended to be more proficient in than the largely-rural Malays. After some debate with their coalition partners (the MCA and Malaysian Indian Congress, MIC), UMNO managed to get the Education Act of 1961 through the assembly, putting their victory over the education issue into statute. Malay and English would be the only teaching languages in secondary schools, whilst state primary schools would be in Malay only. Chinese and Indian communities could maintain their own Chinese and Tamil-language primary schools, but their students would be required to learn Malay as well and they would have to study a "Malayan curriculum". The entry exam to the University would be in Malay, despite most of the teaching being in English, effectively excluding many Chinese students. Malay schools were heavily subsidised and Malays were given preferential treatment by the public sector. This defeat for the MCA and MIC weakened their support in their respective communities, which would impact the political development of Malaysia and weaken the ruling coalition.
Economically, Malaya was well-positioned after independence. It was a leading producer of rubber, tin and palm oil, as well as a significant producer of iron ore. These exports allowed the government to maintain a healthy surplus, freeing up state-allocated capital for reinvestment. The First and Second Malayan Plans (1956-60;61-65) stimulated economic growth through investment in industry and repairing infrastructure such as roads and ports, which had been damaged and neglected during WWII and the Malayan Emergency. The government sought to decrease dependence on commodity exports, which are prone to large price fluctuations. They also recognised that synthetic rubber production, which was becoming more common in developed countries, was bound to rise and become a strong competitor to their prime export. The reasoned and logical investment by the Malayan government into certain developmental pathways, as well as their friendly attitude to most foreign investment, cleared the way for relative economic prosperity compared to other states in the region. The Malayan system would be largely copied by the Thais, with adjustments, and Kuala Lumpur today is renowned as one of the leading economic capitals of the Islamic world.
A Malayan tin mine, worked largely by Chinese coolies. By 1960, they didn't look much different
Politically, the effects of affirmative action policies created a class of educated but underemployed Malayans. This led to fertile ground for the newly-formed pan-communal Gerakan party in 1968, as well as the Islamic Party of Malaysia (which primarily took devout former UMNO supporters) and the Chinese socialist Democratic Action Party (DAP), which focused on taking advantage of the MCA's loss of legitimacy amongst Chinese Malayans. At the May 1969 federal elections, the UMNO-MCA-MIC alliance pulled only 48% of the popular vote, although it managed to retain a majority in the legislature. The MCA lost most of their Chinese-majority seats (such as Penang) to the Gerakan and DAP. The opposition celebrated their victory with a motorcade in Kuala Lumpur, holding up brooms to signify the sweeping change they hoped to see. Fearful or a reversal of affirmative action policies, Malays rioted, leading to pogroms targeting the Chinese. Approximately 6,000 Chinese homes and businesses were burned and at least 184 people killed, as Malay men with parang machetes assaulted Chinese civilians. With the predominantly Malay security forces doing nothing to help, Chinese secret societies retaliated, ambushing Malays that wandered into Chinese neighbourhoods with dao broadswords, staffs and metal rods. With the Chinese fighting back, the previously apathetic police were spurred into action, roaming Chinese neighbourhoods and shooting up businesses and suspected members of the secret societies. In the aftermath of the chaos, known as the May 13th Incident, a state of emergency was declared. The so-called National Operations Council (NOC), headed by Deputy Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak, took power, forcing Abdul Rahman to retire in September 1970. The NOC consisted of nine members, mostly Malay, who had in their hands at that moment total control over the country.
Victims of the May 13th Incident lie dead on the streets of Kuala Lumpur
===
[137] IOTL, the Barisan Socialis boycotted the 1968 elections, giving PAP 100% of the legislative assembly. ITTL, they stay involved. It's difficult to find exactly how much support they had, so this is probably one of the most questionable divergences ITTL so far, but it appears to have been enough for a number of groups in Singapore (read: the English-speakers and the PAP leadership) to be concerned. Also, ITTL, Operation Coldstore doesn't go ahead in 1963, which means that the leadership of the Barisan Socialis isn't hamstrung by the British.
The failure of the Malaysia project produced a visible break in the political continuity between Malaya and Singapore. In most circles, the Federation of Malaysia has been seen as an essentially-unworkable entity, one that never had the chance to hold onto its unity. Instead, the Bornean territories achieved independence in 1969 as North Kalimantan, essentially a satellite state of Indonesia. Singapore, which was expelled from the federation in 1965, would turn to a more urban form of socialism.
Since achieving autonomy from the United Kingdom in 1955, Singapore had been a city in turmoil. The first government of Singapore, led by David Marshall, had been discredited by police handling of the Hock Lee bus riots, a labour dispute that rapidly escalated into an anti-colonial demonstration. A year later, the so-called 'middle school riots' broke out amongst students, increasing tension between the local government and Chinese students and unionists, suspected of having communist sympathies. In the same year, Marshall led a delegation to London to negotiate for complete self-rule in the Merdeka Talks, but the British were reluctant to give up control over internal security over fears of communist influence in the trade unions throughout the city. This fail was the final nail in the political coffin of David Marshall, who resigned his position upon his return from London. The new Chief Minister, Lim Yew Hock, cracked down on communist and leftist groups, imprisoning many trade union leaders and several pro-communist members of the People's Action Party (PAP) under the Internal Security Act (ISA). The British approved and agreed to grant complete internal self-government in 1957. Elections for the legislative assembly commenced in May 1959. PAP won in a landslide, winning 43 of the 51 seats, making Lee Kuan Yew, leader of PAP, Singapore's first Prime Minister.
Lee Kuan Yew, first Prime Minister of Singapore
In neighbouring Malaya, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the largest Malay party, and the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) managed to hammer out a settlement with the British over the question of race which dogged Malayan politics. It was decided that the Head of State would be drawn from the Malay sultans and that Malay would remain the preeminent national language. In 1957, the Federation of Malaya was granted independence from Britain within the Commonwealth of Nations, with UMNO head Tunku Abdul Rahman as the first Prime Minister. On the 24th April 1961, Lee Kuan Yew first proposed the Malaysia plan to Abdul Rahman. By the 9th of May, Lee had sent the final written version of his proposal to Abdul Rahman and Tun Abdul Razak, the Deputy Prime Minister.
On 31 August 1963, the Federation of Malaysia came into being, incorporating Peninsular Malaya, Singapore and the Bornean territories of North Kalimantan and Brunei. The federation was opposed by various groups in North Borneo, as well as by the Barisan Socialis Party in Singapore (although not opposed to federation with Malaya per se, they saw the Federation of Malaysia's constitutional framework as oriented towards the construction of an imperialist proxy). Despite acceding to the federation, UMNO had been made nervous by Singapore's inclusion in the federation, only agreeing due to the presence of the Bornean territories to counteract the Chinese majority in Singapore. Furthermore, both UMNO and the MCA were concerned about the possible appeal of Lee's PAP in Malayan electorates. They instead tried to set up an opposition party in Singapore. In response, Lee threatened to run candidates in Malaya at the 1964 Federal Elections, in contravention of an earlier agreement that both parties would stick to their respective regions. Increasing concerns over the workability of the federation and the political difficulty in introducing a customs union led to Singapore's expulsion from Malaysia on 7th August 1965. The vote was unanimous, but with no Singapore MPs present.
Tunku Abdul Rahman, first Prime Minister of independent Malaya
With independence, Singapore faced a number of uncertainties. Concerns about security remained after the bombing of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank building on March 10th, 1965, which left 3 dead and 33 injured. By that time, 29 bombs had already been set off in Singapore by Indonesian commandos. In 1964, race riots had erupted sporadically after a 21st July procession by Malays in honour of the Prophet Mohammed's birthday degenerated into violence. Singapore also faced challenges with unemployment (which ran between 10-12%), housing, education and the lack of land and natural resources. The Economic Development Board, established in 1961, constructed an industrial estate in Jurong, attracted foreign investment using trade incentives, expanded the service industry to supply the increasing demands of the Port, as well as incentivising the construction of oil refineries in Singapore by Shell and Esso. The government also increased investment into education, which was primarily provided for in the English language. Despite these actions, the PAP narrowly lost the 1968 election to the Barisan Socialis, who maintained many of the economic structures founded by Lee Kuan Yew's party, whilst orientating them towards a more socialist leaning, and favouring Chinese in higher education rather than English.[137]
In Malaya, the issue of triracial relations between the Malays, Chinese and primarily-Tamil Indians continued to play out inside the political arena. In 1957, the Malays composed 55% of the population, whilst the Chinese comprised around 35% and the Indians approximately 10% out of a population of around 5 million. With the inclusion of Singapore, the Chinese proportion of the country rose to 40%. Of particular concern was the issue of language in Malaya, whose Chinese minority was disproportionately influential in the economic sphere. The University of Malaya (which moved in 1963 from Singapore to Kuala Lumpur) primarily taught in English, which the Chinese and Indians tended to be more proficient in than the largely-rural Malays. After some debate with their coalition partners (the MCA and Malaysian Indian Congress, MIC), UMNO managed to get the Education Act of 1961 through the assembly, putting their victory over the education issue into statute. Malay and English would be the only teaching languages in secondary schools, whilst state primary schools would be in Malay only. Chinese and Indian communities could maintain their own Chinese and Tamil-language primary schools, but their students would be required to learn Malay as well and they would have to study a "Malayan curriculum". The entry exam to the University would be in Malay, despite most of the teaching being in English, effectively excluding many Chinese students. Malay schools were heavily subsidised and Malays were given preferential treatment by the public sector. This defeat for the MCA and MIC weakened their support in their respective communities, which would impact the political development of Malaysia and weaken the ruling coalition.
Economically, Malaya was well-positioned after independence. It was a leading producer of rubber, tin and palm oil, as well as a significant producer of iron ore. These exports allowed the government to maintain a healthy surplus, freeing up state-allocated capital for reinvestment. The First and Second Malayan Plans (1956-60;61-65) stimulated economic growth through investment in industry and repairing infrastructure such as roads and ports, which had been damaged and neglected during WWII and the Malayan Emergency. The government sought to decrease dependence on commodity exports, which are prone to large price fluctuations. They also recognised that synthetic rubber production, which was becoming more common in developed countries, was bound to rise and become a strong competitor to their prime export. The reasoned and logical investment by the Malayan government into certain developmental pathways, as well as their friendly attitude to most foreign investment, cleared the way for relative economic prosperity compared to other states in the region. The Malayan system would be largely copied by the Thais, with adjustments, and Kuala Lumpur today is renowned as one of the leading economic capitals of the Islamic world.
A Malayan tin mine, worked largely by Chinese coolies. By 1960, they didn't look much different
Politically, the effects of affirmative action policies created a class of educated but underemployed Malayans. This led to fertile ground for the newly-formed pan-communal Gerakan party in 1968, as well as the Islamic Party of Malaysia (which primarily took devout former UMNO supporters) and the Chinese socialist Democratic Action Party (DAP), which focused on taking advantage of the MCA's loss of legitimacy amongst Chinese Malayans. At the May 1969 federal elections, the UMNO-MCA-MIC alliance pulled only 48% of the popular vote, although it managed to retain a majority in the legislature. The MCA lost most of their Chinese-majority seats (such as Penang) to the Gerakan and DAP. The opposition celebrated their victory with a motorcade in Kuala Lumpur, holding up brooms to signify the sweeping change they hoped to see. Fearful or a reversal of affirmative action policies, Malays rioted, leading to pogroms targeting the Chinese. Approximately 6,000 Chinese homes and businesses were burned and at least 184 people killed, as Malay men with parang machetes assaulted Chinese civilians. With the predominantly Malay security forces doing nothing to help, Chinese secret societies retaliated, ambushing Malays that wandered into Chinese neighbourhoods with dao broadswords, staffs and metal rods. With the Chinese fighting back, the previously apathetic police were spurred into action, roaming Chinese neighbourhoods and shooting up businesses and suspected members of the secret societies. In the aftermath of the chaos, known as the May 13th Incident, a state of emergency was declared. The so-called National Operations Council (NOC), headed by Deputy Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak, took power, forcing Abdul Rahman to retire in September 1970. The NOC consisted of nine members, mostly Malay, who had in their hands at that moment total control over the country.
Victims of the May 13th Incident lie dead on the streets of Kuala Lumpur
===
[137] IOTL, the Barisan Socialis boycotted the 1968 elections, giving PAP 100% of the legislative assembly. ITTL, they stay involved. It's difficult to find exactly how much support they had, so this is probably one of the most questionable divergences ITTL so far, but it appears to have been enough for a number of groups in Singapore (read: the English-speakers and the PAP leadership) to be concerned. Also, ITTL, Operation Coldstore doesn't go ahead in 1963, which means that the leadership of the Barisan Socialis isn't hamstrung by the British.
Seems like Singapore's Development is largely OTL with a taste of socialism (meaning more healthcare support and such) and more Chinese orientation than ITL. Really waiting for the Philippine Update!
Deleted member 67076
A more left-leaning Indonesia, which from the hunch I get will have closer resemblance to Turkey's (and Persian Pahlevi offshoot) Kemalism and/or Arab Baathism should mean that land reform will actually take place, if without the mass bloodshed and total social overhaul the communists had planned it to be. If that's to be the case, then TTL Indonesia will have stronger basis upon which to build modern industrialized economy that OTL New Order Regime struggled to achieve, on condition that Indonesia won't linger in center-left authoritarian phase until like the '90s. So post-60s Indonesia will see things getting worse before getting better economically after the '60s, instead the other way around. But that will also depend on which countries they will choose to ally with and invite to invest. I hope Indonesia will play pro-west center-left ITTL.
Should we go full communist though, then well shit.
Should we go full communist though, then well shit.
Malaysia still has its issues of course (we basically just saw a coup...) but it should recover. Malaysia really does have a lot going for it, relative to other SE Asian countries, as long as it isn't hamstrung by its race issues.
Yeah, the Dominican Republic hasn't exactly been one of the big winners ITTL, caught in a kind of frozen conflict like Nagorno-Karabakh, but with UN peacekeepers enforcing it.
Yes, it is more or the less the same. FOR NOW!
That would definitely be a logical path for Indonesia to follow. It is to be seen whether or not this will be the case, although land reform is definitely going to be a feature of Indonesia's political and economic landscape.
Well I just hope Indonesia won't stuck at center-left for too long. I mean it's good for land reform, but not much else.
Deleted member 67076
Eh, we got at around 50 years until the modern day. Lots of time for improvement.
Very curious to see is how the Congo will develop here. Any hints you can give out?
And with the real life Ramsey Bolton running the show! Although judging by Ramfis' historical behavior he'd probably get himself assassinated once Balaguer and co tire of him burning through money, which opens up a new can of worms since the military was, despite the Trujillo regime's actions and rhetoric, staffed to the brim with leftists at this time. (Mostly the younger officers however)
Very good chance for the post Ramfis government to be very left leaning, perhaps even in the Soviet sphere if they play their cards right and the US is distracted.
The Congo is largely developing as a leftist force, the biggest and most powerful state in Sub-Saharan Africa. It's pretty independent from the Soviet Union (think Vietnam) but they are allied with the USSR. It has annexed French Congo, although it's not all rosy, as there's still some concerns over tribal politics, as Congo isn't a one-party state.
I didn't know about the leftist presence in the Dominican army, but that is of interest to me. I'm sure I'll be able to work that into the storyline.
This is not possible under Lumumba. Who is in charged of or founded the state ?
How is that not possible under Lumumba? It's not like he was particularly autocratic.
Chapter 46: In the Land of the White Elephant - Thailand (Until 1970)
In the Land of the White Elephant: Siam/Thailand (1932-1970)
Hi AHers, this update goes back further in time than usual, and there aren't any divergences until the post-1944 period (where the original PoD for this TL is), but I felt like Thai politics can't really be explained properly without going this far back. So bear with me if this is quite long.
===
The most notable figure in modern Thai history (and a rather divisive one) has to be Field Marshal Plaek Phibunsongkhram, commonly known as 'Phibun', who held the post of Prime Minister as de facto military dictator from 1938-44 and 1948-1957. Military rule has been a common feature of Thai political history, with the precedent being set by the events following the Siamese Revolution of 1932. In 1932, the military, who led the revolution, pledged to allow full democratic elections once half the population had completed primary education, expected to occur in the 1940s. Within political circles, four major factions emerged: the senior officers, who had commanded the army during the Revolution; the junior officers, who were more avant-garde and under the influence of Phibun; the senior civilian faction; and the junior civilian faction, led by Pridi Phanomyong. Pridi, the other major influence in modern Thai politics, was tasked in 1933 with drafting a new economic plan. His plan called for the nationalisation of large tracts of farmland as well as rapid government-directed industrialisation. He also called for the growth of higher education to prevent the entrenchment of the nobility within an emerging bureaucratic system. Pridi's plan was attacked by opponents as "communist". Conservatives urged the Mano government to reverse these policies. Phibun and Phraya Phahol (leader of the senior military faction) took the opportunity to seize power.
Thai military leader Plaek Phibunsongkhram
The putschists excluded royalists from the cabinet, precipitating a royalist revolt in late 1933 led by Prince Bovoradej, who marched on Bangkok. The Prince expected a popular uprising in Bangkok to assist him, which wasn't forthcoming. Nor was defection by army units. After heavy fighting on the northern outskirts of Bangkok, the royalists were defeated, negatively impacting on the king's prestige as a result. Due to conflict with the government, King Prajadhipok abdicated on March 2, 1935. The government chose Prince Ananda Mahidol as his successor. The young king was at the time undergoing schooling in Switzerland. The absentee king would not return to Thailand until December 1945. In his abdication speech, King Prajadhipok denounced the government, accusing it of autocracy. The government was entitled under the 1934 Press Act to censor material "deemed to be detrimental to the public order" or to undermine morals, but the government refrained from challenging or withholding his statements for fear of arousing further controversy.
The military government then put more effort in reform. They abandoned the gold standard, allowing trade to recover. The government also quadrupled expenditure on education, which had a positive effect on increasing the literacy rate. Elected local and provincial governments were introduced. In November 1937 the cause of democratic development was furthered when direct elections were held for the National Assembly, although political parties were still banned. Military expenditure was greatly expanded, as might be expected under a military regime. The years 1934-40 saw modernisation of the Thai armed forces, which had previously been armed with WWI-era weaponry at best.
Phibun's military and Pridi's civilian liberals cooperated until Phibun became Prime Minister in December 1938, the most significant cooperative project of which was the founding, at Pridi's initiative, of Thammasat University as a more accessible alternative to the elitist Chulalongkorn University. With Phibun's rise to the Prime Minister's post, this cooperation between the military and the liberals ceased. Phibun was an admirer of Italian dictator Benito Mussolini, and as such mimicked many fascist characteristics in his method of rule. Phibun and Luang Wichitwathakan, the regime's ideological spokesman, copied fascist propaganda techniques, utilising the state monopoly on radio broadcasting to create mass popular support. In early 1939, 40 political opponents, both monarchists and democrats, were arrested and, after rigged trials, 18 were executed, the first political executions in over a century. Many others, including Prince Damrong, were exiled. Concerted campaigns were launched against the influential Chinese business class. Chinese schools and newspapers were closed and taxes on Chinese businesses increased. Phibun also attempted to undermine the image of "uppity" members of the royal family. Portraits of ex-monarch King Prajadhipok were banned.
On 23 June 1939, Siam's name was changed to Prathet Thai, or Thailand, meaning "land of the free". The change was intended to imply the unity of all Tai-speaking peoples, including Lao and Shan, but excluding the Chinese. The regime's slogan became "Thailand for the Thai". Modernisation was an important theme in Phibun's construction of this new Thai nationalism. Between 1939 and 1942 he issued 12 "Cultural Mandates". Traditional royal holidays were replaced with new national events. Royal and aristocratic titles were abandoned and the royally-sponsored Thammaguth sect of the Sangha was downgraded. During WWII, Thailand made a treaty with Japan in June 1940. Britain immediately signed a non-aggression pact with Thailand to appease the Japanese.
Thai Vickers tank crew at the outset of the Franco-Thai War
In 1941, small skirmishes between France and Thailand erupted into the Franco-Thai War. The Thais were dominant on the land and in the air, but the Thai navy was crushed by that of the French in the Battle of Koh Chang. Japan intervened as a mediator, awarding to the Thais disputed areas in Laos and Cambodia. As a result of the fulfillment of the strategic aims of the war, Phibun's prestige at home was greatly increased. By April, the United States had cut off petroleum supply to Thailand. On December 8th, 1941, Japan invaded Thailand along its southeastern coastline and from Cambodia. After offering initial resistance, the Phibun regime gave in and allowed the Japanese to pass through the country to attack Burma and invade Malaya. Phibun decided to form a military alliance with Japan, taking advantage of the attack on British Burma to occupy areas claimed as a rightful part of Thailand. Phibun was allowed to annex the Shan and Kayah States in northern Burma, as well as occupying the sultanates of northern Malaya which had been surrendered to the British in the Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909.
In January 1942, Phibun attempted to declare war on the United Kingdom and United States, but was unable to when the Thai ambassador to the United States, Seni Pramoj, refused to deliver the declaration and established a Seri Thai ("Free Thai") movement in Washington. Pridi, now serving as an almost-powerless regent, led the Seri Thai resistance from within the country, whilst former queen Ramphaiphani was the nominal head of the rebel government in Great Britain. In July 1944, as Thailand suffered from a lack of access to rice export markets, the effects of Allied strategic bombing and a growing awareness that Japan was doomed to lose the war had undermined Phibun's leadership, and in July 1944 he was ousted by Seri Thai who had infiltrated the government. The National Assembly appointed liberal lawyer Khuang Aphaiwong as Prime Minister. The new government hastily evacuated occupied British territory in Malaya and Burma. When the Japanese surrendered on August 15th, 1945, Allied responsibility for Thailand fell to the British. British and Indian troops were flown in and secured the release of British prisoners-of-war. They were surprised to find that the Japanese soldiers had already been disarmed by the Thais. The British wanted to punish the Thais as a co-belligerent but the Americans disagreed, and as such received little punishment for its wartime role under Phibun.
Seni Pramoj became Prime Minister in 1945, promptly restoring the name Siam as a symbol of the end of Phibun's regime. Seni had difficulty imposing any degree of his own authority, however, being seen largely as an elitist by much of his cabinet, who were Pridi loyalists. As such, Pridi continued to wield power behind the scenes. The Washington Accord of 1946 led to the return of annexed Laotian and Cambodian territories to the French Union. Democratic elections were also held in 1946, the first with legal political parties. Pridi's People's Party and its allies won a majority. In March 1946, Pridi became Siam's first democratically-elected Prime Minister. In exchange for handing back the occupied territories and instituting democracy, Siam was rewarded with membership in the United Nations and a substantial aid package from the United States. King Ananda Mahidol had returned to Siam from Europe in December 1945, but in July 1946 he was found shot dead in his bed. Three palace servants were tried and executed for his murder. The king was succeeded by his younger brother Bhumibol Adulyadej. In August Pridi was forced to resign due to rumours that he was involved in the assassination of the previous king. The weakness of the civilian administration was once again exploited by the military, who propelled Phibun back into the driving seat of the country's destiny in November 1947. Pridi was driven into exile, eventually settling in Peking as a guest of the PRC.
Prime Minister Pridi Phanomyong
Despite his overthrow of democracy in Thailand, Phibun won the support of the United States with the establishment of Communism in North Vietnam. Thailand became the name of the country again in July 1949. Several of the key figures of the Seri Thai movement were extra-judicially killed by the Thai police, run by Phibun's ruthless associate Phao Sriyanond. There were attempted counter-coups by Pridi supporters in 1948, 1949 and 1951. The 1949 attempt led to heavy fighting between the army and navy before Phibun emerged victorious. Phibun was nearly killed himself in the 1951 attempt when the ship he was being held hostage in was bombed by the pro-government air force. In 1949, a new constitution was promulgated, creating a Senate appointed de jure by the king (de facto by the government). In 1951, the regime abolished its own constitution and reverted to the 1932 arrangements, effectively abolishing the National Assembly as an elected body. This provoked strong opposition from the universities and the independent press and led to a further round of trials and repression. The economy was assisted by a postwar boom in the 1950s, fuelled primarily by rice exports and American aid. This period saw increasing diversification of the economy as well as rapid population growth and urbanisation.
By 1955, Phibun was losing his leading position in the army to younger rivals led by Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat and General Thanom Kittikachorn. To strengthen his position he restored the 1949 constitution and called elections which his supporters won. Phibun's oscillation between military control and democracy proved unsuccessful. The army was unwilling to give up power and forced his resignation in September 1957. Phibun attempted to counter their seizure of power last minute, trying to have Sarit arrested, until the army staged a bloodless coup on September 17th. Thanom became Prime Minister until 1958, then yielded his place to Sarit, who was the real head of the regime. Sarit would hold onto power until 1963, when he died and Thanom once again took the lead. Sarit and Thanom were significant in that they were the first natively-educated leaders of Thailand in generations. As such, they were less influenced by European political ideas than Pridi and Phibun's generation. As Thai traditionalists, they sought to restore the prestige of the monarchy and the maintenance of a society based on order, hierarchy and religion. These convictions made them highly receptive to the "ideology of the Dharma" emanating from India and endorsed by the Indian ruling party, the RSS. The Sarit-Thanom clique saw rule by the army as the best means of ensuring this doctrine and defeating Vietnamese communism. Anti-communism thus got woven into the very heart of Thai nationalism, identified as it was with "Vietnameseness". King Bhumibol, who returned to Thailand in 1951, cooperated with all of these projects. Thailand was strongly supported by the United States, was a founding member of SEATO in 1954 and participated in the Laotian Civil War in the 1960s.
Field Marshal, and Prime Minister, Sarit Thanarat
The Vietnamese retaliated by supporting the Thai communist insurgency in the north, northeast and far south. This in fact had the effect of legitimising military rule in Thailand as a means of protecting against communist infiltration. The 1960s saw a general revival of traditional Thai social practices [138], which was often reflected in the renaissance of Buddhist art in Thailand during this period. The primary impact this had outside of Thailand itself was a proliferation of tacky reproductions populating front lawns and bedrooms throughout the West. American capital did, however, bring rapid industrial development and movement to the city, weakening the traditional rural family unit and bringing new social challenges, whilst the period of military rule brought about a revival of student activism. The Thai middle class continued to grow in this time period, although still composing a small percentage of the population compared to Western developed economies. During the 1960s, many of the rural poor felt increasingly dissatisfied with their place in society and were disillusioned by their treatment by the central government of Bangkok. Efforts by the Thai government to develop poor rural regions often failed to have the desired effect. Villagers became subject to increased military and police harassment and bureaucratic corruption. They often felt betrayed when government promises went unfulfilled.
Thai propaganda poster, comparing favourably Thailand with Communist China
During the middle 1960s, Thanom and his deputy Praphas maintained a strangehold on power. Thanom's son Narong married Praphas' daughter, illustrating the intention of Thanom to build a political dynasty to control Thailand. But by the late 1960s, many elements in Thai society, particularly students and business people, became openly critical of the military government. Thanom came under pressure from the king to restore parliament and put a new constitution into effect. In 1968 the government issued a new constitution and scheduled elections for the following year. The Government Party, founded by the junta won the election and Thanom remained Prime Minister, but there was some transition as the National Assembly began to criticise the government and attempt to hold them accountable for their actions.
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[138] IOTL, greater American presence due to the Vietnam War led to an infusion of Western music, fashion etc. amongst younger Thais. ITTL, that is averted.
Hi AHers, this update goes back further in time than usual, and there aren't any divergences until the post-1944 period (where the original PoD for this TL is), but I felt like Thai politics can't really be explained properly without going this far back. So bear with me if this is quite long.
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The most notable figure in modern Thai history (and a rather divisive one) has to be Field Marshal Plaek Phibunsongkhram, commonly known as 'Phibun', who held the post of Prime Minister as de facto military dictator from 1938-44 and 1948-1957. Military rule has been a common feature of Thai political history, with the precedent being set by the events following the Siamese Revolution of 1932. In 1932, the military, who led the revolution, pledged to allow full democratic elections once half the population had completed primary education, expected to occur in the 1940s. Within political circles, four major factions emerged: the senior officers, who had commanded the army during the Revolution; the junior officers, who were more avant-garde and under the influence of Phibun; the senior civilian faction; and the junior civilian faction, led by Pridi Phanomyong. Pridi, the other major influence in modern Thai politics, was tasked in 1933 with drafting a new economic plan. His plan called for the nationalisation of large tracts of farmland as well as rapid government-directed industrialisation. He also called for the growth of higher education to prevent the entrenchment of the nobility within an emerging bureaucratic system. Pridi's plan was attacked by opponents as "communist". Conservatives urged the Mano government to reverse these policies. Phibun and Phraya Phahol (leader of the senior military faction) took the opportunity to seize power.
Thai military leader Plaek Phibunsongkhram
The putschists excluded royalists from the cabinet, precipitating a royalist revolt in late 1933 led by Prince Bovoradej, who marched on Bangkok. The Prince expected a popular uprising in Bangkok to assist him, which wasn't forthcoming. Nor was defection by army units. After heavy fighting on the northern outskirts of Bangkok, the royalists were defeated, negatively impacting on the king's prestige as a result. Due to conflict with the government, King Prajadhipok abdicated on March 2, 1935. The government chose Prince Ananda Mahidol as his successor. The young king was at the time undergoing schooling in Switzerland. The absentee king would not return to Thailand until December 1945. In his abdication speech, King Prajadhipok denounced the government, accusing it of autocracy. The government was entitled under the 1934 Press Act to censor material "deemed to be detrimental to the public order" or to undermine morals, but the government refrained from challenging or withholding his statements for fear of arousing further controversy.
The military government then put more effort in reform. They abandoned the gold standard, allowing trade to recover. The government also quadrupled expenditure on education, which had a positive effect on increasing the literacy rate. Elected local and provincial governments were introduced. In November 1937 the cause of democratic development was furthered when direct elections were held for the National Assembly, although political parties were still banned. Military expenditure was greatly expanded, as might be expected under a military regime. The years 1934-40 saw modernisation of the Thai armed forces, which had previously been armed with WWI-era weaponry at best.
Phibun's military and Pridi's civilian liberals cooperated until Phibun became Prime Minister in December 1938, the most significant cooperative project of which was the founding, at Pridi's initiative, of Thammasat University as a more accessible alternative to the elitist Chulalongkorn University. With Phibun's rise to the Prime Minister's post, this cooperation between the military and the liberals ceased. Phibun was an admirer of Italian dictator Benito Mussolini, and as such mimicked many fascist characteristics in his method of rule. Phibun and Luang Wichitwathakan, the regime's ideological spokesman, copied fascist propaganda techniques, utilising the state monopoly on radio broadcasting to create mass popular support. In early 1939, 40 political opponents, both monarchists and democrats, were arrested and, after rigged trials, 18 were executed, the first political executions in over a century. Many others, including Prince Damrong, were exiled. Concerted campaigns were launched against the influential Chinese business class. Chinese schools and newspapers were closed and taxes on Chinese businesses increased. Phibun also attempted to undermine the image of "uppity" members of the royal family. Portraits of ex-monarch King Prajadhipok were banned.
On 23 June 1939, Siam's name was changed to Prathet Thai, or Thailand, meaning "land of the free". The change was intended to imply the unity of all Tai-speaking peoples, including Lao and Shan, but excluding the Chinese. The regime's slogan became "Thailand for the Thai". Modernisation was an important theme in Phibun's construction of this new Thai nationalism. Between 1939 and 1942 he issued 12 "Cultural Mandates". Traditional royal holidays were replaced with new national events. Royal and aristocratic titles were abandoned and the royally-sponsored Thammaguth sect of the Sangha was downgraded. During WWII, Thailand made a treaty with Japan in June 1940. Britain immediately signed a non-aggression pact with Thailand to appease the Japanese.
Thai Vickers tank crew at the outset of the Franco-Thai War
In 1941, small skirmishes between France and Thailand erupted into the Franco-Thai War. The Thais were dominant on the land and in the air, but the Thai navy was crushed by that of the French in the Battle of Koh Chang. Japan intervened as a mediator, awarding to the Thais disputed areas in Laos and Cambodia. As a result of the fulfillment of the strategic aims of the war, Phibun's prestige at home was greatly increased. By April, the United States had cut off petroleum supply to Thailand. On December 8th, 1941, Japan invaded Thailand along its southeastern coastline and from Cambodia. After offering initial resistance, the Phibun regime gave in and allowed the Japanese to pass through the country to attack Burma and invade Malaya. Phibun decided to form a military alliance with Japan, taking advantage of the attack on British Burma to occupy areas claimed as a rightful part of Thailand. Phibun was allowed to annex the Shan and Kayah States in northern Burma, as well as occupying the sultanates of northern Malaya which had been surrendered to the British in the Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909.
In January 1942, Phibun attempted to declare war on the United Kingdom and United States, but was unable to when the Thai ambassador to the United States, Seni Pramoj, refused to deliver the declaration and established a Seri Thai ("Free Thai") movement in Washington. Pridi, now serving as an almost-powerless regent, led the Seri Thai resistance from within the country, whilst former queen Ramphaiphani was the nominal head of the rebel government in Great Britain. In July 1944, as Thailand suffered from a lack of access to rice export markets, the effects of Allied strategic bombing and a growing awareness that Japan was doomed to lose the war had undermined Phibun's leadership, and in July 1944 he was ousted by Seri Thai who had infiltrated the government. The National Assembly appointed liberal lawyer Khuang Aphaiwong as Prime Minister. The new government hastily evacuated occupied British territory in Malaya and Burma. When the Japanese surrendered on August 15th, 1945, Allied responsibility for Thailand fell to the British. British and Indian troops were flown in and secured the release of British prisoners-of-war. They were surprised to find that the Japanese soldiers had already been disarmed by the Thais. The British wanted to punish the Thais as a co-belligerent but the Americans disagreed, and as such received little punishment for its wartime role under Phibun.
Seni Pramoj became Prime Minister in 1945, promptly restoring the name Siam as a symbol of the end of Phibun's regime. Seni had difficulty imposing any degree of his own authority, however, being seen largely as an elitist by much of his cabinet, who were Pridi loyalists. As such, Pridi continued to wield power behind the scenes. The Washington Accord of 1946 led to the return of annexed Laotian and Cambodian territories to the French Union. Democratic elections were also held in 1946, the first with legal political parties. Pridi's People's Party and its allies won a majority. In March 1946, Pridi became Siam's first democratically-elected Prime Minister. In exchange for handing back the occupied territories and instituting democracy, Siam was rewarded with membership in the United Nations and a substantial aid package from the United States. King Ananda Mahidol had returned to Siam from Europe in December 1945, but in July 1946 he was found shot dead in his bed. Three palace servants were tried and executed for his murder. The king was succeeded by his younger brother Bhumibol Adulyadej. In August Pridi was forced to resign due to rumours that he was involved in the assassination of the previous king. The weakness of the civilian administration was once again exploited by the military, who propelled Phibun back into the driving seat of the country's destiny in November 1947. Pridi was driven into exile, eventually settling in Peking as a guest of the PRC.
Prime Minister Pridi Phanomyong
Despite his overthrow of democracy in Thailand, Phibun won the support of the United States with the establishment of Communism in North Vietnam. Thailand became the name of the country again in July 1949. Several of the key figures of the Seri Thai movement were extra-judicially killed by the Thai police, run by Phibun's ruthless associate Phao Sriyanond. There were attempted counter-coups by Pridi supporters in 1948, 1949 and 1951. The 1949 attempt led to heavy fighting between the army and navy before Phibun emerged victorious. Phibun was nearly killed himself in the 1951 attempt when the ship he was being held hostage in was bombed by the pro-government air force. In 1949, a new constitution was promulgated, creating a Senate appointed de jure by the king (de facto by the government). In 1951, the regime abolished its own constitution and reverted to the 1932 arrangements, effectively abolishing the National Assembly as an elected body. This provoked strong opposition from the universities and the independent press and led to a further round of trials and repression. The economy was assisted by a postwar boom in the 1950s, fuelled primarily by rice exports and American aid. This period saw increasing diversification of the economy as well as rapid population growth and urbanisation.
By 1955, Phibun was losing his leading position in the army to younger rivals led by Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat and General Thanom Kittikachorn. To strengthen his position he restored the 1949 constitution and called elections which his supporters won. Phibun's oscillation between military control and democracy proved unsuccessful. The army was unwilling to give up power and forced his resignation in September 1957. Phibun attempted to counter their seizure of power last minute, trying to have Sarit arrested, until the army staged a bloodless coup on September 17th. Thanom became Prime Minister until 1958, then yielded his place to Sarit, who was the real head of the regime. Sarit would hold onto power until 1963, when he died and Thanom once again took the lead. Sarit and Thanom were significant in that they were the first natively-educated leaders of Thailand in generations. As such, they were less influenced by European political ideas than Pridi and Phibun's generation. As Thai traditionalists, they sought to restore the prestige of the monarchy and the maintenance of a society based on order, hierarchy and religion. These convictions made them highly receptive to the "ideology of the Dharma" emanating from India and endorsed by the Indian ruling party, the RSS. The Sarit-Thanom clique saw rule by the army as the best means of ensuring this doctrine and defeating Vietnamese communism. Anti-communism thus got woven into the very heart of Thai nationalism, identified as it was with "Vietnameseness". King Bhumibol, who returned to Thailand in 1951, cooperated with all of these projects. Thailand was strongly supported by the United States, was a founding member of SEATO in 1954 and participated in the Laotian Civil War in the 1960s.
Field Marshal, and Prime Minister, Sarit Thanarat
The Vietnamese retaliated by supporting the Thai communist insurgency in the north, northeast and far south. This in fact had the effect of legitimising military rule in Thailand as a means of protecting against communist infiltration. The 1960s saw a general revival of traditional Thai social practices [138], which was often reflected in the renaissance of Buddhist art in Thailand during this period. The primary impact this had outside of Thailand itself was a proliferation of tacky reproductions populating front lawns and bedrooms throughout the West. American capital did, however, bring rapid industrial development and movement to the city, weakening the traditional rural family unit and bringing new social challenges, whilst the period of military rule brought about a revival of student activism. The Thai middle class continued to grow in this time period, although still composing a small percentage of the population compared to Western developed economies. During the 1960s, many of the rural poor felt increasingly dissatisfied with their place in society and were disillusioned by their treatment by the central government of Bangkok. Efforts by the Thai government to develop poor rural regions often failed to have the desired effect. Villagers became subject to increased military and police harassment and bureaucratic corruption. They often felt betrayed when government promises went unfulfilled.
Thai propaganda poster, comparing favourably Thailand with Communist China
During the middle 1960s, Thanom and his deputy Praphas maintained a strangehold on power. Thanom's son Narong married Praphas' daughter, illustrating the intention of Thanom to build a political dynasty to control Thailand. But by the late 1960s, many elements in Thai society, particularly students and business people, became openly critical of the military government. Thanom came under pressure from the king to restore parliament and put a new constitution into effect. In 1968 the government issued a new constitution and scheduled elections for the following year. The Government Party, founded by the junta won the election and Thanom remained Prime Minister, but there was some transition as the National Assembly began to criticise the government and attempt to hold them accountable for their actions.
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[138] IOTL, greater American presence due to the Vietnam War led to an infusion of Western music, fashion etc. amongst younger Thais. ITTL, that is averted.
I guess I simply assumed you intend it to be permanent. However, being a socialist patriot with vengeance against colonial legacy, especially that of Belgian, will turn you to one fast. And not only history doesn't change up until the coup attempt, he actually survived that coup here. He might be treading carefully now, but there's no way he's not at the moment actively working to subvert democracy, circumvent ethnic politics, and centralize power into his personal hand. Annexation of Congo-Brazzavile will only add to his arsenal and motivation.