Really? Like what? I'm trying to make everything at the very least plausible, so I would appreciate constructive criticism. There are always some quasi-random butterflies that are sometimes difficult to predict, which can at times give the appearance of randomness. It's difficult sometimes to tread the fine line between being too crazy and being too sane (after all, truth is stranger than fiction). It's not at all supposed to be campy, sonif you could point out where it is that would be nice.
Stars and Sickles - An Alternative Cold War
- Thread starter Hrvatskiwi
- Start date
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- cold war
Really? Like what? I'm trying to make everything at the very least plausible, so I would appreciate constructive criticism. There are always some quasi-random butterflies that are sometimes difficult to predict, which can at times give the appearance of randomness. It's difficult sometimes to tread the fine line between being too crazy and being too sane (after all, truth is stranger than fiction). It's not at all supposed to be campy, sonif you could point out where it is that would be nice.
Chapter 50: Under Blue Skies and Red Stars - Mongolia and East Turkestan (Until 1970)
Under Blue Sky and Red Stars: Mongolia and East Turkestan (1945-1970)
The postwar period was a time of rapid development and modernisation in the Mongolian People's Republic. With the end of the war and its demands on the Mongolian economy (primarily regarding the need to supply wool to be woven into winter clothing for Red Army troops), Mongolia embarked upon a policy of "construction of the foundations of socialism" and proclaiming it "necessary to exterminate the concept of property". The Mongolian premier, Marshal Khorloogiin Choibalsan, looked to modernise the country based on the Soviet model whilst expanding the agricultural sector. Funded largely with Soviet aid, the first Five Year Plan (1948-1952) focused on economic development, construction of infrastructure and doubling the country's numbers of livestock. The Nalaikh coal mine, electric grid, Züünbayan petroleum refinery (operated largely by the Soviet Mongolnefti enterprise), other metal and mineral processing facilities and the Trans-Mongolian Railway were developed. Choibalsan initiated policies to increase the literacy rate in the new Cyrillic alphabet. At least part of these policies were financed by a decrease in military spending. Defense expenditures dropped from 33% of the budget in 1948 to 15% in 1952, largely as a result of the victory of the Chinese Communists securing Mongolia's southern flank. Industrial development remained limited to Ulaanbaatar, although food processing plants began to be established in Aimag provincial centres.
Marshal Khorloogiin Choibalsan
Choibalsan maintained a policy of strong ties with the Soviet Union, renewing the 1936 Protocol Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Assistance for another ten years and concluding a bilateral agreement on economic and cultural cooperation with the USSR. Nevertheless, Choibalsan considered it necessary to diversify the MPR's international relationships. In 1948 relations were established with the DPRK. A year later, Mongolia was the first country to recognise the PRC. In 1950, a number of Eastern European nations established formal relations with the MPR. In 1955, diplomatic relations began between India and Mongolia, marking the first relationship between Mongolia and a democratic country. Although less excessive than the 1937-39 years, arrests and executions of dissidents existed until Choibalsan's death in 1952. In 1947, a political scandal known as "Port Arthur" was fabricated by Choibalsan in order to legitimise the arrest of 80 political opponents, 42 of whom were executed. The Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) put pressure on ordinary people to join the party. This was reflected in a doubling of the party's membership between 1940 and 1947, reaching nearly 28,000. A major bone of contention between Choibalsan and Stalin was the former's Greater Mongolian ambitions. With Stalin's recognition of the PRC, Mao agreed to recognise a cession of Chinese sovereignty over East Turkestan and Mongolia, with the caveat that the Soviets recognise the integrity of Chinese control over Inner Mongolia. Choibalsan also claimed parts of Dzungaria in East Turkestan, refusing to recognise the East Turkestan Republic. Choibalsan grew increasingly disillusioned with his former mentor, culminating in his refusal to attend Stalin's 70th birthday celebrations in Moscow. In 1950 a number of Mongolian political leaders approached Choibalsan asking him to petition Stalin for Mongolian inclusion in the Soviet Union a la Tuva. He stiffly rebuked them. In late 1951, Choibalsan travelled to Moscow for kidney cancer treatment and passed away on January 26th, 1952. He was returned to Mongolia and buried at Altan Ulgii cemetery in Ulaanbaatar. In July 1954 his body was moved to the newly-built Mausoleum for Sükhbaatar.
After Choibalsan's death, Yumjaagiin Tsedenbal took over the premiership. In 1951, Jamsrangiin Sambuu was elected to the Great People's Khural and on July 7th 1954 was named Chairman of the Presidium of the Great People's Khural. In 1952, Daramyn Tömör-Ochir, a reformist opponent of Tsedenbal was purged, although he was rehabilitated in 1957 and installed by the Soviets as leader of a reformist MPRP [143]. Under Tömör-Ochir, Mongolia saw a decrease in political violence, although all power essentially remained concentrated in the MPRP. A major priority for the Mongolian government was the education of its relatively small populace. Scholarships were provided for Choibalsan University in Ulaanbaatar, as well as to Novosibirsk, where their housing at Akademgorodok was paid for by the MPR. This was intended to make Mongolia's relatively small population a highly valuable skilled labour force, and was largely successful. To this day, remissions from the USSR provide a large chunk of Mongolia's national income. With Mongolia's entry into Comecon in 1962, Chinese aid ceased, but was compensated for with Soviet and Eastern European financial and technical assistance. New industrial centres were built in Baganuur, Choibalsan (in Dornod), Darkhan and Erdenet. Whilst husbandry experienced little expansion, crop production rose dramatically as virgin lands were opened up by state farms. Foreign trade also grew substantially.
On January 5th, 1945, the East Turkestan Republic, a Uyghur-led self-proclaimed state assisted by the Soviet Union, announced a 9-point declaration that established the ETR as an independent state. The declaration promised a nation that would maintain religious freedom and equal civil rights regardless of ethnic background. The republic called for developing education, technology, communications, industry, social welfare and a free healthcare system. They established various social and educational organisations such as a women's association, a veteran's foundation and orphanages. Women from Muslim and non-Muslim ethnic groups participated in military, government, education and work structures equally with men. Although a primarily-Uyghur state, citizens of the republic include Uyghurs, Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, Tajiks and Tungans (Hui Chinese Muslims), as well as non-Muslim groups such as Russians, Sibe and Buddhist Mongols. Multilingual education was common and there were 11 newspapers and 5 magazines active in 1945 in 5 different languages.
In the immediate postwar period the ruling Union for the Defense of Peace and Democracy experienced challenges from a number of anti-communist leaders, including Dr. Mesud Sebiri, Isa Yusuf Aliptekin, Memet Imin Bughra and most notably the ethnic Kazakh warlord Osman Batur, who had contacts within the US consulate, which was shut down in 1945. Whilst most of these leaders were caught and executed for treason, Batur escaped to Tibet, heading a self-proclaimed "Turkestan government-in-exile". The Soviets provided military assistance, and used the resulting political leverage to establish a joint company with the ETR to extract petroleum and minerals, including uranium. Ehmetjan Kasimov was the first leader of the country, ruling through a multi-ethnic council, including Seypidin Azizi (Uyghur), Abdulkerim Abbasov (Uyghur), Isakbek Mononov (Kyrgyz), Dalelkhan Sukurbayev (Kazakh) and Luo Zhi (Chinese). With destalinisation entering vogue in the 1950s, as well as low-level but frequent clashes between different ethnic groups in the country, the UDPD began to look for an ideological mooring which would suit the peculiar circumstances of the ETR. As a result, they synthesised the pre-Bolshevik Jadid ideology with communism to form what was called "Jadidist-Leninism", which quickly became popular not only in East Turkestan, but in Soviet Central Asia as well.
Military parade in front of a mosque in East Turkestan
===
[143] IOTL, the Soviets allowed Tsedenbal to remain in power. With a more successful reformist tendency in the Eastern Bloc, there is no obvious reason to let Tsedenbal remain in control of the country whilst better alternatives persist.
The postwar period was a time of rapid development and modernisation in the Mongolian People's Republic. With the end of the war and its demands on the Mongolian economy (primarily regarding the need to supply wool to be woven into winter clothing for Red Army troops), Mongolia embarked upon a policy of "construction of the foundations of socialism" and proclaiming it "necessary to exterminate the concept of property". The Mongolian premier, Marshal Khorloogiin Choibalsan, looked to modernise the country based on the Soviet model whilst expanding the agricultural sector. Funded largely with Soviet aid, the first Five Year Plan (1948-1952) focused on economic development, construction of infrastructure and doubling the country's numbers of livestock. The Nalaikh coal mine, electric grid, Züünbayan petroleum refinery (operated largely by the Soviet Mongolnefti enterprise), other metal and mineral processing facilities and the Trans-Mongolian Railway were developed. Choibalsan initiated policies to increase the literacy rate in the new Cyrillic alphabet. At least part of these policies were financed by a decrease in military spending. Defense expenditures dropped from 33% of the budget in 1948 to 15% in 1952, largely as a result of the victory of the Chinese Communists securing Mongolia's southern flank. Industrial development remained limited to Ulaanbaatar, although food processing plants began to be established in Aimag provincial centres.
Marshal Khorloogiin Choibalsan
Choibalsan maintained a policy of strong ties with the Soviet Union, renewing the 1936 Protocol Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Assistance for another ten years and concluding a bilateral agreement on economic and cultural cooperation with the USSR. Nevertheless, Choibalsan considered it necessary to diversify the MPR's international relationships. In 1948 relations were established with the DPRK. A year later, Mongolia was the first country to recognise the PRC. In 1950, a number of Eastern European nations established formal relations with the MPR. In 1955, diplomatic relations began between India and Mongolia, marking the first relationship between Mongolia and a democratic country. Although less excessive than the 1937-39 years, arrests and executions of dissidents existed until Choibalsan's death in 1952. In 1947, a political scandal known as "Port Arthur" was fabricated by Choibalsan in order to legitimise the arrest of 80 political opponents, 42 of whom were executed. The Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) put pressure on ordinary people to join the party. This was reflected in a doubling of the party's membership between 1940 and 1947, reaching nearly 28,000. A major bone of contention between Choibalsan and Stalin was the former's Greater Mongolian ambitions. With Stalin's recognition of the PRC, Mao agreed to recognise a cession of Chinese sovereignty over East Turkestan and Mongolia, with the caveat that the Soviets recognise the integrity of Chinese control over Inner Mongolia. Choibalsan also claimed parts of Dzungaria in East Turkestan, refusing to recognise the East Turkestan Republic. Choibalsan grew increasingly disillusioned with his former mentor, culminating in his refusal to attend Stalin's 70th birthday celebrations in Moscow. In 1950 a number of Mongolian political leaders approached Choibalsan asking him to petition Stalin for Mongolian inclusion in the Soviet Union a la Tuva. He stiffly rebuked them. In late 1951, Choibalsan travelled to Moscow for kidney cancer treatment and passed away on January 26th, 1952. He was returned to Mongolia and buried at Altan Ulgii cemetery in Ulaanbaatar. In July 1954 his body was moved to the newly-built Mausoleum for Sükhbaatar.
After Choibalsan's death, Yumjaagiin Tsedenbal took over the premiership. In 1951, Jamsrangiin Sambuu was elected to the Great People's Khural and on July 7th 1954 was named Chairman of the Presidium of the Great People's Khural. In 1952, Daramyn Tömör-Ochir, a reformist opponent of Tsedenbal was purged, although he was rehabilitated in 1957 and installed by the Soviets as leader of a reformist MPRP [143]. Under Tömör-Ochir, Mongolia saw a decrease in political violence, although all power essentially remained concentrated in the MPRP. A major priority for the Mongolian government was the education of its relatively small populace. Scholarships were provided for Choibalsan University in Ulaanbaatar, as well as to Novosibirsk, where their housing at Akademgorodok was paid for by the MPR. This was intended to make Mongolia's relatively small population a highly valuable skilled labour force, and was largely successful. To this day, remissions from the USSR provide a large chunk of Mongolia's national income. With Mongolia's entry into Comecon in 1962, Chinese aid ceased, but was compensated for with Soviet and Eastern European financial and technical assistance. New industrial centres were built in Baganuur, Choibalsan (in Dornod), Darkhan and Erdenet. Whilst husbandry experienced little expansion, crop production rose dramatically as virgin lands were opened up by state farms. Foreign trade also grew substantially.
A scene from the celebration of Genghis Khan's 800th birthday
On January 5th, 1945, the East Turkestan Republic, a Uyghur-led self-proclaimed state assisted by the Soviet Union, announced a 9-point declaration that established the ETR as an independent state. The declaration promised a nation that would maintain religious freedom and equal civil rights regardless of ethnic background. The republic called for developing education, technology, communications, industry, social welfare and a free healthcare system. They established various social and educational organisations such as a women's association, a veteran's foundation and orphanages. Women from Muslim and non-Muslim ethnic groups participated in military, government, education and work structures equally with men. Although a primarily-Uyghur state, citizens of the republic include Uyghurs, Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, Tajiks and Tungans (Hui Chinese Muslims), as well as non-Muslim groups such as Russians, Sibe and Buddhist Mongols. Multilingual education was common and there were 11 newspapers and 5 magazines active in 1945 in 5 different languages.
In the immediate postwar period the ruling Union for the Defense of Peace and Democracy experienced challenges from a number of anti-communist leaders, including Dr. Mesud Sebiri, Isa Yusuf Aliptekin, Memet Imin Bughra and most notably the ethnic Kazakh warlord Osman Batur, who had contacts within the US consulate, which was shut down in 1945. Whilst most of these leaders were caught and executed for treason, Batur escaped to Tibet, heading a self-proclaimed "Turkestan government-in-exile". The Soviets provided military assistance, and used the resulting political leverage to establish a joint company with the ETR to extract petroleum and minerals, including uranium. Ehmetjan Kasimov was the first leader of the country, ruling through a multi-ethnic council, including Seypidin Azizi (Uyghur), Abdulkerim Abbasov (Uyghur), Isakbek Mononov (Kyrgyz), Dalelkhan Sukurbayev (Kazakh) and Luo Zhi (Chinese). With destalinisation entering vogue in the 1950s, as well as low-level but frequent clashes between different ethnic groups in the country, the UDPD began to look for an ideological mooring which would suit the peculiar circumstances of the ETR. As a result, they synthesised the pre-Bolshevik Jadid ideology with communism to form what was called "Jadidist-Leninism", which quickly became popular not only in East Turkestan, but in Soviet Central Asia as well.
Military parade in front of a mosque in East Turkestan
===
[143] IOTL, the Soviets allowed Tsedenbal to remain in power. With a more successful reformist tendency in the Eastern Bloc, there is no obvious reason to let Tsedenbal remain in control of the country whilst better alternatives persist.
Last edited:
Reception
I wonder how Jadidist-Leninism will be received in the Middle East and other Muslim countries?
I wonder how Jadidist-Leninism will be received in the Middle East and other Muslim countries?
Deleted member 67076
Salazar turned Macau into an overseas region huh. Will he do the same with Angola here?
It's a pretty interesting system, since it upholds the idea that the Ulama (basically religious/legal scholars) are generally necessary, but criticises a lot of them for being regressive and (in their view) more concerned with their own privilege and influence than with the Quran. At this stage it's more "Leninism with Jadidist tendencies" but will develop into a more fleshed-out ideology. It's likely to be quite popular amongst university students that are against Russification, as it reinforces Islamic identity whilst also promoting women's liberation and modernisation.
Chapter 51: The Fighting Peacock - Burma (Until 1960)
The Fighting Peacock: The Challenges of Burmese Independence
The modern history and national development of Burma cannot be divorced from the political development of the Thakin movement. Established in Rangoon in 1930 as a nationalist backlash against Burmese Indians, the Thakins are generally considered social democrats, although there was a great degree of diversity in opinion between individual Thakin thinkers. The most notable figure to emerge from this movement was Aung San, who would become known as the "Father of the Nation" in Burma, seeing it through the Japanese occupation during the Second World War into independence in 1948.
Aung San - Father of the Burmese Nation
The early Thakins were highly influenced by Marxist literature, as well as national liberation tracts from Sinn Fein, whose publications made their way somehow to Burma and were then disseminated throughout politically-active circles throughout the country. Aung San himself was instrumental in founding the Bama htwet yat gaing ("Freedom Bloc") by forging an alliance between the Dodoma, ABSU and Sinyetha ("Poor Man's Party) parties, as well as politically-active Buddhist monks. After the Dodoma nationalist organisation called for a national uprising, arrest warrants were issued for many of the organisation's leaders, including Aung San. Aung San attempted to flee to China, but was intercepted by the Japanese, who offered him support by creating a secret intelligence unit known as the Minami Kikan, headed by Colonel Suzuki, with the primary objective of closing the Burma Road and supporting an anti-British national uprising. Aung San briefly returned to Burma to recruit 29 other young activists. Together they formed the "Thirty Comrades" who would have a major impact on Burmese politics, many becoming political or guerrilla leaders in their own right. The Thirty Comrades received training from the Japanese on Hainan Island and in December 1941, Aung San announced the formation of the Burma Independence Army (BIA) in anticipation of the Japanese invasion of Burma in 1942. The BIA formed a provisional government in some areas of the country in the spring of 1942, but were impacted by disagreements within the Japanese command over what support, if any, to give to the Burmese nationalists. Suzuki encouraged them, but the Japanese military leadership never formally accepted the plan. Instead, they turned to Ba Maw to form a government. During the war in 1942, the BIA had grown in an uncontrolled manner, and in many districts officials and even criminals had appointed themselves to the BIA. The BIA was then reorganised as the Burma Defence Army (BDA) but was still headed by Aung San. Whilst the BIA had been an irregular force, the BDA was trained as a disciplined regular military by the Japanese.
Ba Maw was declared head of state and prime minister of the collaborationist State of Burma government, with General Aung San as Minister of Defence and communist leader Thakin Than Tun as Minister of Agriculture. Other socialists were also members of the government, including Thakin Nu (Minister of Foreign Affairs) and Thakin Mya (Deputy Prime Minister). The BDA was renamed once again, this time as the Burma National Army (BNA). As the war went on, it became increasingly clear to the idealistic cabinet of the State of Burma that their independence was a sham, a mere front for Japanese imperial rule. Disillusioned, Aung San began negotiations with Thakin Than Tun and Thakin Soe, as well as socialists Ba Swe and Kyaw Nwein, leading to the formation of the Anti-Fascist Organisation (AFO) in August 1944. The AFO united the Communist Party of Burma (CPB), the People's Revolutionary Party (PRP, later to become the Socialist Party of Burma) and the Burma National Army. The APO was later renamed the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL). Informal contacts also began with the British through Force 136 of the SOE.
British soldiers patrol the ruins of the Burmese town of Bahe during WWII
On 27th March 1945, the BNA rose up against the Japanese. This date would later be celebrated as Resistance Day. Aung San and others began negotiations with Lord Mountbatten, officially joining the Allies as the Patriotic Burmese Forces (PBF). The AFPFL presented themselves to the British as the provisional government of Burma with Thakin Soe as chairman. By May 1945, the Japanese were largely expelled from Burma. Negotiations then began with the British over the status of the PBF in post-war Burma. Alongside the BNA, Aung San had established his own paramilitary forces, the People's Volunteer Organisation (PVO), also known as the Pyithu yebaw tat. The incorporationof the PBF was concluded successfully at the Kandy Conference in Ceylon in September 1945.
The surrender of the Japanese brought about a British military administration in Burma, as well as demands from elements of the British government to try Aung San for his involvement in a murder during military operations in 1942. Lord Mountbatten realised this would be unwise considering Aung San's popular appeal. After the end of the war, British governor Sir Reginald Dorman-Smith returned and his restored government focused on reconstruction whilst delaying discussions of independence. The AFPFL opposed the government leading to political instability. A rift also grew within the AFPFL between the communists on one side and Aung San's socialists on the other, primarily over strategy. This resulted in the expulsion of the CPB from the League, with Than Tun forced to resign as General Secretary in July 1946. Dorman Smith was replaced by Sir Hubert Rance as the new governor, almost immediately met with strikes by the Rangoon police. The strike, starting in September 1946 then spread to government employees and came close to becoming a general strike. Rance calmed the situation by meeting with Aung San and convincing him of the merits of joining the governor's executive council, along with other members of the AFPFL. The new executive council had greater credibility and began negotiations for Burmese independence, concluded in the Aung San-Attlee on 27th January 1947. The agreement left parts of the communist and conservative branches unsatisfied, however, sending Thakin Soe's 'Communist Party (Burma), more commonly referred to as the "Red Flag Communist Party" (a splinter group of the Communist Party of Burma, also called White Flag Communists) underground and pushed the conservatives into the opposition.
Aung San also succeeded in concluding an agreement with ethnic minorities for a unified Burma at the Panglong Conference on February 12th, celebrated since as "Union Day". Shortly afterward, rebellion broke out in Arakan as the veteran monk U Seinda led Rakhine Buddhists in communal violence against Rohingya and Bengali mujahid. Nevertheless, the popularity of the AFPFL was confirmed when it won an overwhelming victory in the April 1947 constituent assembly elections. On 18th July, police were tipped off about an assassination attempt planned for the next day on Aung San, instigated by U Saw, a conservative pre-war prime minister of Burma [144]. The assassination had been planned for the next day. U Saw and his associates were sentenced to life in prison, although the veteran statesman instead committed suicide in his cell. It is believed by some that he was only able to do so with the cooperation of prison guards, and that Aung San himself may have been involved.
The first years of Burmese independence were marked by successive insurgencies by the Red Flag communists of Thakin Soe, as well as the mujahid of Arakan and the separatists of the Karen National Union [145]. Additionally, the far north of the country was occupied by predominantly-Muslim Koumintang soldiers who had fled the Chinese communist advance into Yunnan. Largely isolated from Chiang Kai-Shek's government on the island of Formosa, the KMT soldiers, still led by their general Li Mi, engaged in smuggling of opium into China. Although Burma accepted foreign aid during its early years, continued American airdrop of supplies for the KMT troops finally resulted in the rejection of American aid and Burmese refusal to join SEATO. Burma also supported the Bandung Conference of 1955, whose first chairperson was U Thant.
By 1958, Burma was beginning to recover economically, with fighting in the countryside lessened due to U Seinda's agreement to lay down arms in Arakan in exchange for political involvement. At the same time, the Rohingya mujahid had been driven into the jungle by the Burmese military, renamed the Tatmadaw. The Karen National Union remained a threat to Burmese security, but the days where they threatened Rangoon were over. Many Shan groups also put down their arms. A few years later, with the fall of Taiwan to the PLA, American support for the Kuomintang dried up and the Tatmadaw initiated a brutal campaign to crush the opium smuggling business in the far north, annihilating the KMT remnants and reasserting central control over the area. Nevertheless, elements of the military in the far north continued to act in the same matter as the KMT had prior, essentially forming well-armed drug cartels. Local insurgencies have also propped up as a reaction to iron-fisted martial law in the Sino-Burmese frontier region.
Economically, Burma initially suffered from economic mismanagement with the introductions of price controls on rice and the economic strain of introducing a welfare state in such an undeveloped economy. Nevertheless, there has been a degree of recovery with the expansion of mining operations (Burma is a large source of precious gemstones), oil extraction and Burma's "undeclared export" of opiates. Whilst the importance of Burmese opiates in the regional drug trade has had a negative impact on the regions were poppies are grown as well as certain sectors of society, many of the capital used to develop other enterprises in Rangoon and Mandalay was accrued through the sale of drugs.
Shwedagon Pagoda, the largest and most resplendent in Burma and a major tourist attraction===
[144] IOTL, the assassination attempt was not found out, and Aung San (and a number of members of his cabinet) were killed.
[145] IOTL, there were also White Flag communist insurgents as well as the Revolutionary Burma Army of Bo Zeya, Bo Yan Aung and Bo Ye Htut, all of whom were members of the Thirty Comrades. With Aung San still alive and U Nu not in power, it is likely that many of the non-ethnic insurgencies would have been prevented.
The modern history and national development of Burma cannot be divorced from the political development of the Thakin movement. Established in Rangoon in 1930 as a nationalist backlash against Burmese Indians, the Thakins are generally considered social democrats, although there was a great degree of diversity in opinion between individual Thakin thinkers. The most notable figure to emerge from this movement was Aung San, who would become known as the "Father of the Nation" in Burma, seeing it through the Japanese occupation during the Second World War into independence in 1948.
Aung San - Father of the Burmese Nation
The early Thakins were highly influenced by Marxist literature, as well as national liberation tracts from Sinn Fein, whose publications made their way somehow to Burma and were then disseminated throughout politically-active circles throughout the country. Aung San himself was instrumental in founding the Bama htwet yat gaing ("Freedom Bloc") by forging an alliance between the Dodoma, ABSU and Sinyetha ("Poor Man's Party) parties, as well as politically-active Buddhist monks. After the Dodoma nationalist organisation called for a national uprising, arrest warrants were issued for many of the organisation's leaders, including Aung San. Aung San attempted to flee to China, but was intercepted by the Japanese, who offered him support by creating a secret intelligence unit known as the Minami Kikan, headed by Colonel Suzuki, with the primary objective of closing the Burma Road and supporting an anti-British national uprising. Aung San briefly returned to Burma to recruit 29 other young activists. Together they formed the "Thirty Comrades" who would have a major impact on Burmese politics, many becoming political or guerrilla leaders in their own right. The Thirty Comrades received training from the Japanese on Hainan Island and in December 1941, Aung San announced the formation of the Burma Independence Army (BIA) in anticipation of the Japanese invasion of Burma in 1942. The BIA formed a provisional government in some areas of the country in the spring of 1942, but were impacted by disagreements within the Japanese command over what support, if any, to give to the Burmese nationalists. Suzuki encouraged them, but the Japanese military leadership never formally accepted the plan. Instead, they turned to Ba Maw to form a government. During the war in 1942, the BIA had grown in an uncontrolled manner, and in many districts officials and even criminals had appointed themselves to the BIA. The BIA was then reorganised as the Burma Defence Army (BDA) but was still headed by Aung San. Whilst the BIA had been an irregular force, the BDA was trained as a disciplined regular military by the Japanese.
Ba Maw was declared head of state and prime minister of the collaborationist State of Burma government, with General Aung San as Minister of Defence and communist leader Thakin Than Tun as Minister of Agriculture. Other socialists were also members of the government, including Thakin Nu (Minister of Foreign Affairs) and Thakin Mya (Deputy Prime Minister). The BDA was renamed once again, this time as the Burma National Army (BNA). As the war went on, it became increasingly clear to the idealistic cabinet of the State of Burma that their independence was a sham, a mere front for Japanese imperial rule. Disillusioned, Aung San began negotiations with Thakin Than Tun and Thakin Soe, as well as socialists Ba Swe and Kyaw Nwein, leading to the formation of the Anti-Fascist Organisation (AFO) in August 1944. The AFO united the Communist Party of Burma (CPB), the People's Revolutionary Party (PRP, later to become the Socialist Party of Burma) and the Burma National Army. The APO was later renamed the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL). Informal contacts also began with the British through Force 136 of the SOE.
British soldiers patrol the ruins of the Burmese town of Bahe during WWII
On 27th March 1945, the BNA rose up against the Japanese. This date would later be celebrated as Resistance Day. Aung San and others began negotiations with Lord Mountbatten, officially joining the Allies as the Patriotic Burmese Forces (PBF). The AFPFL presented themselves to the British as the provisional government of Burma with Thakin Soe as chairman. By May 1945, the Japanese were largely expelled from Burma. Negotiations then began with the British over the status of the PBF in post-war Burma. Alongside the BNA, Aung San had established his own paramilitary forces, the People's Volunteer Organisation (PVO), also known as the Pyithu yebaw tat. The incorporationof the PBF was concluded successfully at the Kandy Conference in Ceylon in September 1945.
The surrender of the Japanese brought about a British military administration in Burma, as well as demands from elements of the British government to try Aung San for his involvement in a murder during military operations in 1942. Lord Mountbatten realised this would be unwise considering Aung San's popular appeal. After the end of the war, British governor Sir Reginald Dorman-Smith returned and his restored government focused on reconstruction whilst delaying discussions of independence. The AFPFL opposed the government leading to political instability. A rift also grew within the AFPFL between the communists on one side and Aung San's socialists on the other, primarily over strategy. This resulted in the expulsion of the CPB from the League, with Than Tun forced to resign as General Secretary in July 1946. Dorman Smith was replaced by Sir Hubert Rance as the new governor, almost immediately met with strikes by the Rangoon police. The strike, starting in September 1946 then spread to government employees and came close to becoming a general strike. Rance calmed the situation by meeting with Aung San and convincing him of the merits of joining the governor's executive council, along with other members of the AFPFL. The new executive council had greater credibility and began negotiations for Burmese independence, concluded in the Aung San-Attlee on 27th January 1947. The agreement left parts of the communist and conservative branches unsatisfied, however, sending Thakin Soe's 'Communist Party (Burma), more commonly referred to as the "Red Flag Communist Party" (a splinter group of the Communist Party of Burma, also called White Flag Communists) underground and pushed the conservatives into the opposition.
Aung San also succeeded in concluding an agreement with ethnic minorities for a unified Burma at the Panglong Conference on February 12th, celebrated since as "Union Day". Shortly afterward, rebellion broke out in Arakan as the veteran monk U Seinda led Rakhine Buddhists in communal violence against Rohingya and Bengali mujahid. Nevertheless, the popularity of the AFPFL was confirmed when it won an overwhelming victory in the April 1947 constituent assembly elections. On 18th July, police were tipped off about an assassination attempt planned for the next day on Aung San, instigated by U Saw, a conservative pre-war prime minister of Burma [144]. The assassination had been planned for the next day. U Saw and his associates were sentenced to life in prison, although the veteran statesman instead committed suicide in his cell. It is believed by some that he was only able to do so with the cooperation of prison guards, and that Aung San himself may have been involved.
The first years of Burmese independence were marked by successive insurgencies by the Red Flag communists of Thakin Soe, as well as the mujahid of Arakan and the separatists of the Karen National Union [145]. Additionally, the far north of the country was occupied by predominantly-Muslim Koumintang soldiers who had fled the Chinese communist advance into Yunnan. Largely isolated from Chiang Kai-Shek's government on the island of Formosa, the KMT soldiers, still led by their general Li Mi, engaged in smuggling of opium into China. Although Burma accepted foreign aid during its early years, continued American airdrop of supplies for the KMT troops finally resulted in the rejection of American aid and Burmese refusal to join SEATO. Burma also supported the Bandung Conference of 1955, whose first chairperson was U Thant.
By 1958, Burma was beginning to recover economically, with fighting in the countryside lessened due to U Seinda's agreement to lay down arms in Arakan in exchange for political involvement. At the same time, the Rohingya mujahid had been driven into the jungle by the Burmese military, renamed the Tatmadaw. The Karen National Union remained a threat to Burmese security, but the days where they threatened Rangoon were over. Many Shan groups also put down their arms. A few years later, with the fall of Taiwan to the PLA, American support for the Kuomintang dried up and the Tatmadaw initiated a brutal campaign to crush the opium smuggling business in the far north, annihilating the KMT remnants and reasserting central control over the area. Nevertheless, elements of the military in the far north continued to act in the same matter as the KMT had prior, essentially forming well-armed drug cartels. Local insurgencies have also propped up as a reaction to iron-fisted martial law in the Sino-Burmese frontier region.
Economically, Burma initially suffered from economic mismanagement with the introductions of price controls on rice and the economic strain of introducing a welfare state in such an undeveloped economy. Nevertheless, there has been a degree of recovery with the expansion of mining operations (Burma is a large source of precious gemstones), oil extraction and Burma's "undeclared export" of opiates. Whilst the importance of Burmese opiates in the regional drug trade has had a negative impact on the regions were poppies are grown as well as certain sectors of society, many of the capital used to develop other enterprises in Rangoon and Mandalay was accrued through the sale of drugs.
Shwedagon Pagoda, the largest and most resplendent in Burma and a major tourist attraction
[144] IOTL, the assassination attempt was not found out, and Aung San (and a number of members of his cabinet) were killed.
[145] IOTL, there were also White Flag communist insurgents as well as the Revolutionary Burma Army of Bo Zeya, Bo Yan Aung and Bo Ye Htut, all of whom were members of the Thirty Comrades. With Aung San still alive and U Nu not in power, it is likely that many of the non-ethnic insurgencies would have been prevented.
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I visited Myanmar last year, although the military junta is ruling with an iron fist Myanmar is still an amazing country with amazing people.
I hope Myanmar under Aung San will be a better place for its citizens, but as always ethnics strife will result in a civil war and totalitarian regime.
I hope Myanmar under Aung San will be a better place for its citizens, but as always ethnics strife will result in a civil war and totalitarian regime.
I have already mentioned a little bit of stuff about India but I think I'll throw up and update at some point soon about India and Pakistan. Nevertheless, my next update may be on Pakistan-India, or it might be something else, since there has been so much focus on Asia lately, just to mix it up.
Now I realized that it was not only the Deng-Hu-Zhao Triumvirate that controlled the country through most of the 80s.
There's Chen Yun, Li Xiannian, Peng Zhen, Yang Shangkun, Bo Yibo, Wang Zhen, Song Renqiong, and in another version, there's Wan Li, Deng Yingchao (Zhou Enlai's widow), Xi Zhongxun.
There's Chen Yun, Li Xiannian, Peng Zhen, Yang Shangkun, Bo Yibo, Wang Zhen, Song Renqiong, and in another version, there's Wan Li, Deng Yingchao (Zhou Enlai's widow), Xi Zhongxun.
Chapter 52: The Saffron Tiger - The Rise of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (1960s)
The Saffron Tiger: The Rise of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
Hi readers,
I made a pretty short post a while back on a Hindu nationalist takeover in India, but I felt like it was a little short and kinda depended on a bit of handwavium. So I thought I'd write this post as a substitute, which will flesh the whole thing out a bit more.
For information about India in the 1940s and '50s: https://www.alternatehistory.com/discussion/showpost.php?p=9820157&postcount=203
===
The rise of Hindu nationalism in India gave birth to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh ("National Patriotic Organisation", RSS). Founded on the Hindu festival of Vijayadashami on 27th February 1925 as a social organisation for the betterment of the Hindu community and the upholding of the values of Indian civilisation, the group has since expanded into a mass movement and has developed a political party appendage through which it rules the gargantuan nation. Drawing inspiration from the fascist movements sweeping European nations such as Italy and Germany, the RSS established a paramilitary wing, the Bajrang Dal. Whilst the RSS openly admired Adolf Hitler during WWII, especially with regard to his ideas of "race purity", they (along with the similar, but older, Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha movement) refused to join the "Quit India" movement commenced by the Indian National Congress. The RSS also cooperated with the British when they placed a ban on military drills and use of uniforms in non-official organisations on April 29th 1943. By doing so, they avoided the repressive measures imposed on independence groups such as the Indian National Congress (INC).
A typical poster of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
In the early years of Indian independence, the Sangh experienced several bans, both regional and nationwide. The first was imposed on Punjab province on 24th January 1947 by the local premier of the ruling Unionist Party, Malik Khizar Hayat Tiwana. The Unionist Party represented the landed gentry of Punjab, Muslim, Sikh and Hindu. Even Hindu parties occasionally opposed the Sangh, particularly its denunciation of the caste system and a view towards uplifting the dalit (untouchable) class. This ban was lifted on January 28th, a mere four days later, by the judiciary. A more serious ban was placed upon the organisation in 1948 after the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi by Sangh member Nathuram Godse. This ban was overturned in July 1949, with the courts finding that there was no evidence that the RSS leadership was at all involved in Gandhi's assassination. The Sangh had, however, always butted heads with the INC government over the consitution of India. The RSS didn't recognise the constitution's legitimacy, criticising it for omitting any mention of "Manu's Laws" from the ancient Hindu text the Manu Smriti.
Despite a lacklustre level of commitment to the anti-British struggle and opposition to the national constitution, the RSS did emphasise the need for unity of Indian Hindus, forming a coalition in April 1954 with the National Movement Liberation Organisation (NMLO) and the Azad Gomantak Dal groups for the annexation of Dadra and Nagar Haveli, Portuguese enclaves on the subcontinent. On July 21st, the United Front of Goans, another group working autonomously, captured the Portuguese police station and declared Dadra independent. A week later, volunteer teams of the RSS and the Azad Gomantak Dal captured the territories of Naroli and Phiparia, including the capital Vila de Paço d'Arcos (since renamed Silvassa). Portuguese forces which escaped and moved towards Nagar Haveli were assaulted at Khandvel and were forced to retreat until they surrendered to the Indian border police at Udava on 11th August 1954. A native administration was set up with Appasaheb Karmalkar of NMLO as the chief administrator of Dadra and Nagar Haveli on the same day.
RSS satyagraha march
In 1955, Sangh leaders, swelled from the easy success of the reintegration of Dadra and Nagar Haveli, demanded an end to Portuguese control of Goa, the primate city of Portuguese India. When Prime Minister Nehru refused to provide and armed intervention, Sangh leader Jagannath Rao Joshi led a satyagraha march into Goa. He was imprisoned with his followers by the Portuguese police. Nonviolent protests continued but were met with repression. 15th August 1955, Portuguese police opened fire on the satyagrahis, killing 30 or so civilians. The Portuguese began a military buildup in the area, hoping that they could delay an Indian invasion for long enough that support could be sought from the international community. They also sought to send more naval reinforcements to the territory as well, although this was unable to be done with President Nasser of the UAR denying passage through the Suez Canal to the ships. Panicked by the military buildup, almost 1,000 European civilians evacuated to Portugal. On 11th December 1961, the Indian Army briefed their forces on Operation Vijay, the assault on Goa. The attack itself commenced on the 17th, and the territory was overrun fairly quickly. There was little consequence for the Indians, aside from some criticism from the allies of Portugal, which was largely drowned out by acclaim for the action by the Soviet Union, UAR and pan-Africanists.
The Sangh also participated in the Bhoodan land reform movement. It led to the adoption of Bhoodan Acts by several states. These laws enabled easier transfer of property from wealthy landowners to landless farmers, who were then unable to use it for non-agricultural purposes or resell it. The positive publicity received from these campaigns greatly improved support for the RSS amongst lower-class Hindus. When Nehru passed away in 1964, his daughter Indira Gandhi's accession to the prime ministership was denounced as dynastic and evidence of corruption by the Sangh. They then mounted massive strikes throughout the country. Gandhi attempted to impose a state of emergency, but such a request was rejected by her government. Forced to acquiesce to a snap election, and with a damaged political image, the RSS won a solid victory in the 1965 election. The leader of the Sangh, Sarsanghchalak (supreme leader) Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar (also referred to as Shri Guruji) became Prime Minister of India. The RSS government immediately implemented an increase in land reform, started a number of initiatives to improve the position of the dalits and discrimination against Muslims and Christians in local government. After another victory in the 1967 election, the RSS won enough of a mandate to change the constitution, basing the judicial system on the Manu Smriti. The Manu Smriti specifies the "sources of law" (Dharmasya Yonih), particularly in 2.6, which states that "the whole Veda is the (first) source of the sacred law, next the tradition and the virtuous conduct of those who know the (Veda further), also the customs of holy men, and (finally) self-satisfaction (Atmana santushti)". Legal instruction was altered to include detailed instruction on Vedic Law, which became supreme over all other law in the country, as enshrined in the revised 1968 constitution.
M.S. Golwalkar, Sarsanghchalak of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and, after 1968, of Bharatiya
Throughout the country, but especially in the cities, "Hindus" (including Sikhs, Buddhists etc.) were made to join mandatory shakha, local branches of the RSS which conducted various activities for its volunteers. This included yoga, exercise and sport, as well as emphasising qualities like a sense of social and civic duty, communalism and patriotism. Key amongst the RSS' programme was the promotion of Hindutva, or "Hinduness". Largely following the definition of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in Hindutva: Who Is a Hindu?, it defined the term "Hindu" as inclusive of religions of Indian origin, including Jains, Sikhs, Buddhists, Veerashaivists, Arya Samaj and adherents of the Ramakrishna Mission. It also embraced tribal peoples, as well as untouchables. It was exclusive, however, of those believed to be under "foreign" influence, including Christians and especially Muslims. Atheists were also considered to have relinquished their Hinduness, particularly communists, seen as an affront to the spiritual basis of Hindustani civilisation. Huge pogroms, led by the swayamsevaks (officials) of the RSS, descended upon Muslim communities over the four months from July-October 1968, killing thousands and displacing tens of thousands more. Many of these refugees fled into Pakistan, where refugee camps were established for the victims. In response to these attacks, local Muslim men began to arm themselves and engaged in insurgencies. The states in which they were active were put under military law and quarantined, essentially cut off from the rest of the country and from the scrutiny of the international community. Within these cordons there was systematic persecution of the Muslim community, including extrajudicial killing, torture and sexual assault.
The ideological moorings of the RSS movement lay in a number of texts, all of which were taught at secondary schools as part of the "patriotic education" curriculum. These included Vedic texts, Savarkar's Hindutva and Golwalkar's two books, We or Our Nationhood Defined and Bunch of Thoughts. These taught a militant form of Hindu nationalism defined by opposition to Muslims primarily, but also Christians, communists and the Chinese. Golwalkar also taught the importance of supporting the greater "Dharmic" communities, including Buddhist states, as long as they operate in accordance with the principles of their culture. The RSS also changed the name of the Republic of India to the Hindu Republic of Bharatiya (HRB) and the flag from the tricolour to the Bhagwa Jhanda (saffron banner of the Marathas).
Hi readers,
I made a pretty short post a while back on a Hindu nationalist takeover in India, but I felt like it was a little short and kinda depended on a bit of handwavium. So I thought I'd write this post as a substitute, which will flesh the whole thing out a bit more.
For information about India in the 1940s and '50s: https://www.alternatehistory.com/discussion/showpost.php?p=9820157&postcount=203
===
The rise of Hindu nationalism in India gave birth to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh ("National Patriotic Organisation", RSS). Founded on the Hindu festival of Vijayadashami on 27th February 1925 as a social organisation for the betterment of the Hindu community and the upholding of the values of Indian civilisation, the group has since expanded into a mass movement and has developed a political party appendage through which it rules the gargantuan nation. Drawing inspiration from the fascist movements sweeping European nations such as Italy and Germany, the RSS established a paramilitary wing, the Bajrang Dal. Whilst the RSS openly admired Adolf Hitler during WWII, especially with regard to his ideas of "race purity", they (along with the similar, but older, Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha movement) refused to join the "Quit India" movement commenced by the Indian National Congress. The RSS also cooperated with the British when they placed a ban on military drills and use of uniforms in non-official organisations on April 29th 1943. By doing so, they avoided the repressive measures imposed on independence groups such as the Indian National Congress (INC).
A typical poster of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
In the early years of Indian independence, the Sangh experienced several bans, both regional and nationwide. The first was imposed on Punjab province on 24th January 1947 by the local premier of the ruling Unionist Party, Malik Khizar Hayat Tiwana. The Unionist Party represented the landed gentry of Punjab, Muslim, Sikh and Hindu. Even Hindu parties occasionally opposed the Sangh, particularly its denunciation of the caste system and a view towards uplifting the dalit (untouchable) class. This ban was lifted on January 28th, a mere four days later, by the judiciary. A more serious ban was placed upon the organisation in 1948 after the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi by Sangh member Nathuram Godse. This ban was overturned in July 1949, with the courts finding that there was no evidence that the RSS leadership was at all involved in Gandhi's assassination. The Sangh had, however, always butted heads with the INC government over the consitution of India. The RSS didn't recognise the constitution's legitimacy, criticising it for omitting any mention of "Manu's Laws" from the ancient Hindu text the Manu Smriti.
Despite a lacklustre level of commitment to the anti-British struggle and opposition to the national constitution, the RSS did emphasise the need for unity of Indian Hindus, forming a coalition in April 1954 with the National Movement Liberation Organisation (NMLO) and the Azad Gomantak Dal groups for the annexation of Dadra and Nagar Haveli, Portuguese enclaves on the subcontinent. On July 21st, the United Front of Goans, another group working autonomously, captured the Portuguese police station and declared Dadra independent. A week later, volunteer teams of the RSS and the Azad Gomantak Dal captured the territories of Naroli and Phiparia, including the capital Vila de Paço d'Arcos (since renamed Silvassa). Portuguese forces which escaped and moved towards Nagar Haveli were assaulted at Khandvel and were forced to retreat until they surrendered to the Indian border police at Udava on 11th August 1954. A native administration was set up with Appasaheb Karmalkar of NMLO as the chief administrator of Dadra and Nagar Haveli on the same day.
RSS satyagraha march
In 1955, Sangh leaders, swelled from the easy success of the reintegration of Dadra and Nagar Haveli, demanded an end to Portuguese control of Goa, the primate city of Portuguese India. When Prime Minister Nehru refused to provide and armed intervention, Sangh leader Jagannath Rao Joshi led a satyagraha march into Goa. He was imprisoned with his followers by the Portuguese police. Nonviolent protests continued but were met with repression. 15th August 1955, Portuguese police opened fire on the satyagrahis, killing 30 or so civilians. The Portuguese began a military buildup in the area, hoping that they could delay an Indian invasion for long enough that support could be sought from the international community. They also sought to send more naval reinforcements to the territory as well, although this was unable to be done with President Nasser of the UAR denying passage through the Suez Canal to the ships. Panicked by the military buildup, almost 1,000 European civilians evacuated to Portugal. On 11th December 1961, the Indian Army briefed their forces on Operation Vijay, the assault on Goa. The attack itself commenced on the 17th, and the territory was overrun fairly quickly. There was little consequence for the Indians, aside from some criticism from the allies of Portugal, which was largely drowned out by acclaim for the action by the Soviet Union, UAR and pan-Africanists.
The Sangh also participated in the Bhoodan land reform movement. It led to the adoption of Bhoodan Acts by several states. These laws enabled easier transfer of property from wealthy landowners to landless farmers, who were then unable to use it for non-agricultural purposes or resell it. The positive publicity received from these campaigns greatly improved support for the RSS amongst lower-class Hindus. When Nehru passed away in 1964, his daughter Indira Gandhi's accession to the prime ministership was denounced as dynastic and evidence of corruption by the Sangh. They then mounted massive strikes throughout the country. Gandhi attempted to impose a state of emergency, but such a request was rejected by her government. Forced to acquiesce to a snap election, and with a damaged political image, the RSS won a solid victory in the 1965 election. The leader of the Sangh, Sarsanghchalak (supreme leader) Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar (also referred to as Shri Guruji) became Prime Minister of India. The RSS government immediately implemented an increase in land reform, started a number of initiatives to improve the position of the dalits and discrimination against Muslims and Christians in local government. After another victory in the 1967 election, the RSS won enough of a mandate to change the constitution, basing the judicial system on the Manu Smriti. The Manu Smriti specifies the "sources of law" (Dharmasya Yonih), particularly in 2.6, which states that "the whole Veda is the (first) source of the sacred law, next the tradition and the virtuous conduct of those who know the (Veda further), also the customs of holy men, and (finally) self-satisfaction (Atmana santushti)". Legal instruction was altered to include detailed instruction on Vedic Law, which became supreme over all other law in the country, as enshrined in the revised 1968 constitution.
M.S. Golwalkar, Sarsanghchalak of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and, after 1968, of Bharatiya
Throughout the country, but especially in the cities, "Hindus" (including Sikhs, Buddhists etc.) were made to join mandatory shakha, local branches of the RSS which conducted various activities for its volunteers. This included yoga, exercise and sport, as well as emphasising qualities like a sense of social and civic duty, communalism and patriotism. Key amongst the RSS' programme was the promotion of Hindutva, or "Hinduness". Largely following the definition of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in Hindutva: Who Is a Hindu?, it defined the term "Hindu" as inclusive of religions of Indian origin, including Jains, Sikhs, Buddhists, Veerashaivists, Arya Samaj and adherents of the Ramakrishna Mission. It also embraced tribal peoples, as well as untouchables. It was exclusive, however, of those believed to be under "foreign" influence, including Christians and especially Muslims. Atheists were also considered to have relinquished their Hinduness, particularly communists, seen as an affront to the spiritual basis of Hindustani civilisation. Huge pogroms, led by the swayamsevaks (officials) of the RSS, descended upon Muslim communities over the four months from July-October 1968, killing thousands and displacing tens of thousands more. Many of these refugees fled into Pakistan, where refugee camps were established for the victims. In response to these attacks, local Muslim men began to arm themselves and engaged in insurgencies. The states in which they were active were put under military law and quarantined, essentially cut off from the rest of the country and from the scrutiny of the international community. Within these cordons there was systematic persecution of the Muslim community, including extrajudicial killing, torture and sexual assault.
The ideological moorings of the RSS movement lay in a number of texts, all of which were taught at secondary schools as part of the "patriotic education" curriculum. These included Vedic texts, Savarkar's Hindutva and Golwalkar's two books, We or Our Nationhood Defined and Bunch of Thoughts. These taught a militant form of Hindu nationalism defined by opposition to Muslims primarily, but also Christians, communists and the Chinese. Golwalkar also taught the importance of supporting the greater "Dharmic" communities, including Buddhist states, as long as they operate in accordance with the principles of their culture. The RSS also changed the name of the Republic of India to the Hindu Republic of Bharatiya (HRB) and the flag from the tricolour to the Bhagwa Jhanda (saffron banner of the Marathas).
Chapter 53: Crescent Atolls in Calm Seas - The Maldive and Suvadive Islands (Until 1970)
Crescent Atolls in Calm Seas: The Maldive and Suvadive Islands
An unusual phenomenon of decolonisation is the manner in which nations freed from colonial rule often followed divergent paths. Whilst some emancipated peoples turned to Marxist-Leninism or liberal republicanism, others maintained the power of traditional classes, whether monarchs or aristocracies. A little-known example of a partial return to traditional political systems were those of the Maldive and (particularly) the Suvadive Islands, remote islands to the south of India. The islands historically benefited from its position near the primary trade routes from the Middle East to India. This trade had a formative influence on the character of the islanders, who were converted from Buddhism to Islam by Arab traders in the 12th century. The islands became a British protectorate in 1887, its Sultan ceding his sovereignty in exchange for British non-interference with domestic policy.
Despite guarantees not to involve themselves in governance, the British did pressure the Sultans to establish constitutions to limit their absolutist power. The new arrangements had little benefit for anyone in the Maldivian political elite, only young British-educated reformists who held little legitimacy amongst the general populace. Angry mobs rallied against the constitution and tore it up, seeing it as a British imposition. The Maldives remained a British Crown Protectorate until 1953, when the sultanate was briefly suspended with the establishment of the short-lived First Republic under the presidency of Al Ameer Mohamed Ameen Dhoshimeynaa Kilegefaanu (popularly known as Mohamed Ameen Didi), the first interruption of monarchical rule in 812 years. The sultan, Abdul Majeed Didi, so called Al Munthakhab Li arshi Dhaulathil Mahaldheebiyya (Lord of Twelve Thousand Isles, Sultan of the Maldives) himself was an unenthusiastic ruler, never formally accepting the crown and spending most of his life in Egypt. Ameen Didi established a parliament referred to as the "People's Majilis". The republic would prove short-lived, with the people of Malé mounting a revolution whilst Ameen Didi was in Ceylon for medical treatment. They appointed Velaanaagey Ibraahim Didi, the Ameen Didi's vice president, as head of the government. Ameen Didi was not aware of these events until his return to the Maldives. Upon arrival, he was taken to Dhoonidhoo Island for his own safety and kept under government supervision (although he was treated with the respect befitting a head of state). Ameen Didi failed to bring about a counter-revolution which would have installed Ibraahim Hilmy Didi, a member of the royal family, as sultan. He was banished to Kaafu Atoll, inhabited primarily by the Gaafaru people. His health deteriorated and he would pass away in 1954. Ameen Didi was undoubtedly one of the formative individuals in the modern history of the Maldives. As Prime Minister in the 1940s, he nationalised the fishing industry, and as President in the early 1950s he championed women's rights and reformed the education system. Ameen Didi was the founder of the Maldives' first political party, the Rayyithunge Muthagaddim Party.
Mohamed Ameen Didi, champion of democracy in the Maldives
With the ousting of Ameen Didi, the throne was reoccupied by Al'amīru Muḥanmadu Farīdu Dīdī (Mohamed Fareed Didi), the son of Abdul Majeed Didi. In 1956, the British received permission to reestablish its wartime airfield on Gan island in the southernmost Addu Atoll. They obtained a 100-year lease on on Gan in exchange for £2000 a year, as well as 440,000 square metres on Hitaddu for radio installations. In 1957, the new prime minister Ibrahim Nasir Rannabandeyri Kilegefan called for a review of the agreement in the interest of shortening the lease and increasing the annual payment. He was challenged in 1959 by the secession of the United Suvadive Republic, which was comprised of the southernmost three atolls of Addu, Huvadhu and Fuvahmulah. The small country had a population of a mere 20,000 and seceded due to the threat of the shutdown of the Gan airbase. Many Suvadive islanders were employed at the airbase, which paid very well compared to all other economic opportunities in the southern atolls. The new state chose Elha Didige Ali Didige Afifu (Abdullah Afeef) as their president.
Tensions between the Malé-centered northern islands and the southern atolls long predate the Gan airbase. The geographical features of the surrounding seas have long served to isolate the Maldives and the Suvadives. The presence of treacherous reefs dividing the two regions encouraged Suvadive merchant families to trade with Indian and Ceylonese ports overseas rather than with the traders in Malé, as well as decreasing the ability of the kings in Malé to impose their will on the south. Under Nasir, the Maldivian government had introduced a customs regime on the captains and crews of the southern trading ships in order to advantage the politically-influential merchants of Malé. He went even further, introducing a poll tax and a separate land tax on the southerners. The Maldive government posted its own militiamen in the atoll to ensure that no trade occurred without the government's knowledge. The arrest and assault of one of the sons of a wealthy Suvadive merchant family provoked an uprising, in which a mob rose against the militiamen, who were forced to seek sanctuary with the British. When the government prosecuted the alleged conspirators, basing their decision on the militiamen's version of events, the so-called conspirators were humiliated by public flogging. In December 1958, when the government announced plans for a new tax on boats, riots were sparked throughout Addu Atoll. Once again, the officials of the Maldives government fled to the British barracks. The officials owed their lives to Afeef, who was liaison officer between the British and the locals, and had informed the British of the situation. Four days later, on January 3rd, 1959, a delegation of Addu people arrived on Gan and declared their independence to the British, insisting that Afeef become their new leader. Soon after, the Huvadhu and Fuvahmulah atolls joined them. The Maldives responded by sending an armed gunboat to Huvadhu, commanded by Nasir himself. The British buzzed the gunboat with aircraft as a show of force to deter Nasir, who withdrew[146]. The British demanded a chance to mediate between the two states. It is apparent, however, that they had their own interests, as an independent Suvadive Islands would be almost entirely dependent on the continued presence of the British Gan airbase, whilst the Maldivian government was less enthusiastic. They secured acquiescence from the Maldivian government for the secession, which was in essence already a fait accompli, in exchange for monetary compensation of £45,000.
Abdullah Afeef, photographed with the flag of the Suvadive Islands
In 1967, a vote was taken in the Maldivian majilis on the question of whether the Maldives should continue as a constitutional monarchy or become a republic. Of fourty-four votes, fourty were in favour of a republic. A national referendum took place a year later, in which 64% of Maldivians favoured the establishment of a republic [147]. The republic was declared on November 11, 1968, ending 853 years of monarchical rule in the Maldives. Ibrahim Nasir ascended to the presidency, where he engaged on a program of modernisation. He brought the Maldives into the United Nations, having achieved full independence from the United Kingdom in 1965. He began to modernise the fisheries industry by introducing mechanised vessels and started encouraging tourism to the islands. He introduced an English-based modern curriculum to government-run schools and abolished Vaaru, a tax on people living in islands other than Malé. Women received the vote in 1964, far earlier than in many other Muslim countries. Nasir also opened the first modern hospital in the country, as well as construction of the first non-military airport.
Ibrahim Nasir, moderniser of the Maldives
===
[146] Historically, the British support was lukewarm and they didn't take this strong an action, but ITTL the precedent of establishing breakaway polities to retain some influence has already been set in Kenya with the support of the Kingdom of Kavirondo.
[147] IOTL, this was 81%, but I imagine that it might be less without the southern three atolls, which would have been the least in favour of the monarchy.
An unusual phenomenon of decolonisation is the manner in which nations freed from colonial rule often followed divergent paths. Whilst some emancipated peoples turned to Marxist-Leninism or liberal republicanism, others maintained the power of traditional classes, whether monarchs or aristocracies. A little-known example of a partial return to traditional political systems were those of the Maldive and (particularly) the Suvadive Islands, remote islands to the south of India. The islands historically benefited from its position near the primary trade routes from the Middle East to India. This trade had a formative influence on the character of the islanders, who were converted from Buddhism to Islam by Arab traders in the 12th century. The islands became a British protectorate in 1887, its Sultan ceding his sovereignty in exchange for British non-interference with domestic policy.
Despite guarantees not to involve themselves in governance, the British did pressure the Sultans to establish constitutions to limit their absolutist power. The new arrangements had little benefit for anyone in the Maldivian political elite, only young British-educated reformists who held little legitimacy amongst the general populace. Angry mobs rallied against the constitution and tore it up, seeing it as a British imposition. The Maldives remained a British Crown Protectorate until 1953, when the sultanate was briefly suspended with the establishment of the short-lived First Republic under the presidency of Al Ameer Mohamed Ameen Dhoshimeynaa Kilegefaanu (popularly known as Mohamed Ameen Didi), the first interruption of monarchical rule in 812 years. The sultan, Abdul Majeed Didi, so called Al Munthakhab Li arshi Dhaulathil Mahaldheebiyya (Lord of Twelve Thousand Isles, Sultan of the Maldives) himself was an unenthusiastic ruler, never formally accepting the crown and spending most of his life in Egypt. Ameen Didi established a parliament referred to as the "People's Majilis". The republic would prove short-lived, with the people of Malé mounting a revolution whilst Ameen Didi was in Ceylon for medical treatment. They appointed Velaanaagey Ibraahim Didi, the Ameen Didi's vice president, as head of the government. Ameen Didi was not aware of these events until his return to the Maldives. Upon arrival, he was taken to Dhoonidhoo Island for his own safety and kept under government supervision (although he was treated with the respect befitting a head of state). Ameen Didi failed to bring about a counter-revolution which would have installed Ibraahim Hilmy Didi, a member of the royal family, as sultan. He was banished to Kaafu Atoll, inhabited primarily by the Gaafaru people. His health deteriorated and he would pass away in 1954. Ameen Didi was undoubtedly one of the formative individuals in the modern history of the Maldives. As Prime Minister in the 1940s, he nationalised the fishing industry, and as President in the early 1950s he championed women's rights and reformed the education system. Ameen Didi was the founder of the Maldives' first political party, the Rayyithunge Muthagaddim Party.
Mohamed Ameen Didi, champion of democracy in the Maldives
With the ousting of Ameen Didi, the throne was reoccupied by Al'amīru Muḥanmadu Farīdu Dīdī (Mohamed Fareed Didi), the son of Abdul Majeed Didi. In 1956, the British received permission to reestablish its wartime airfield on Gan island in the southernmost Addu Atoll. They obtained a 100-year lease on on Gan in exchange for £2000 a year, as well as 440,000 square metres on Hitaddu for radio installations. In 1957, the new prime minister Ibrahim Nasir Rannabandeyri Kilegefan called for a review of the agreement in the interest of shortening the lease and increasing the annual payment. He was challenged in 1959 by the secession of the United Suvadive Republic, which was comprised of the southernmost three atolls of Addu, Huvadhu and Fuvahmulah. The small country had a population of a mere 20,000 and seceded due to the threat of the shutdown of the Gan airbase. Many Suvadive islanders were employed at the airbase, which paid very well compared to all other economic opportunities in the southern atolls. The new state chose Elha Didige Ali Didige Afifu (Abdullah Afeef) as their president.
Tensions between the Malé-centered northern islands and the southern atolls long predate the Gan airbase. The geographical features of the surrounding seas have long served to isolate the Maldives and the Suvadives. The presence of treacherous reefs dividing the two regions encouraged Suvadive merchant families to trade with Indian and Ceylonese ports overseas rather than with the traders in Malé, as well as decreasing the ability of the kings in Malé to impose their will on the south. Under Nasir, the Maldivian government had introduced a customs regime on the captains and crews of the southern trading ships in order to advantage the politically-influential merchants of Malé. He went even further, introducing a poll tax and a separate land tax on the southerners. The Maldive government posted its own militiamen in the atoll to ensure that no trade occurred without the government's knowledge. The arrest and assault of one of the sons of a wealthy Suvadive merchant family provoked an uprising, in which a mob rose against the militiamen, who were forced to seek sanctuary with the British. When the government prosecuted the alleged conspirators, basing their decision on the militiamen's version of events, the so-called conspirators were humiliated by public flogging. In December 1958, when the government announced plans for a new tax on boats, riots were sparked throughout Addu Atoll. Once again, the officials of the Maldives government fled to the British barracks. The officials owed their lives to Afeef, who was liaison officer between the British and the locals, and had informed the British of the situation. Four days later, on January 3rd, 1959, a delegation of Addu people arrived on Gan and declared their independence to the British, insisting that Afeef become their new leader. Soon after, the Huvadhu and Fuvahmulah atolls joined them. The Maldives responded by sending an armed gunboat to Huvadhu, commanded by Nasir himself. The British buzzed the gunboat with aircraft as a show of force to deter Nasir, who withdrew[146]. The British demanded a chance to mediate between the two states. It is apparent, however, that they had their own interests, as an independent Suvadive Islands would be almost entirely dependent on the continued presence of the British Gan airbase, whilst the Maldivian government was less enthusiastic. They secured acquiescence from the Maldivian government for the secession, which was in essence already a fait accompli, in exchange for monetary compensation of £45,000.
Abdullah Afeef, photographed with the flag of the Suvadive Islands
In 1967, a vote was taken in the Maldivian majilis on the question of whether the Maldives should continue as a constitutional monarchy or become a republic. Of fourty-four votes, fourty were in favour of a republic. A national referendum took place a year later, in which 64% of Maldivians favoured the establishment of a republic [147]. The republic was declared on November 11, 1968, ending 853 years of monarchical rule in the Maldives. Ibrahim Nasir ascended to the presidency, where he engaged on a program of modernisation. He brought the Maldives into the United Nations, having achieved full independence from the United Kingdom in 1965. He began to modernise the fisheries industry by introducing mechanised vessels and started encouraging tourism to the islands. He introduced an English-based modern curriculum to government-run schools and abolished Vaaru, a tax on people living in islands other than Malé. Women received the vote in 1964, far earlier than in many other Muslim countries. Nasir also opened the first modern hospital in the country, as well as construction of the first non-military airport.
Ibrahim Nasir, moderniser of the Maldives
===
[146] Historically, the British support was lukewarm and they didn't take this strong an action, but ITTL the precedent of establishing breakaway polities to retain some influence has already been set in Kenya with the support of the Kingdom of Kavirondo.
[147] IOTL, this was 81%, but I imagine that it might be less without the southern three atolls, which would have been the least in favour of the monarchy.
Chapter 54: Meet the Khans - Pakistan (1960s)
Meet the Khans: Pakistan (1960-1969)
For more information about Pakistan (1945-1959): https://www.alternatehistory.com/discussion/showpost.php?p=9820157&postcount=203
===
Pakistan's experience in the 1960s is intertwined inexorably with a single figure, Field Marshal Ayub Khan, who dominated the political landscape of the young country. At first glance he appears a man of many contradictions: a dictator who favoured free trade and private sector industrialisation; a military man who led his country poorly into an ill-advised war against a vastly greater enemy; a secularist at the head of a state whose identity was defined by Islam. These contradictions have made Khan an object of some controversy.
The foreign policy of Ayub Khan followed a course of strong association with the Western powers, allowing the United States and Britain to access airbases in Pakistan where they based U-2 spyplanes for reconnaissance missions over the Soviet Union. This practice effectively halted after the capture of U-2 pilot Gary Powers, shot down by a S-75 Dvina anti-aircraft missile in May 1960, humiliating US President Eisenhower, who took full responsibility yet refused to apologise to Soviet Premier Khrushchev. In 1961, Ayub Khan paid a visit to the United States, accompanied by his daughter Begum Naseeb Aurangzeb, in order to promote ties between his country and America.
Field Marshal Ayub Khan
In the economic sphere, Ayub Khan embraced liberal economic principles, encouraging private-sector led industrialisation and the free market, with the effect of greatly accelerating Pakistan's growth rate, which rapidly outstripped India's. Ayub Khan assisted this growth through the construction of major infrastructure projects including dams, canals and power stations as well as promoting science through the expansion of education and the establishment of the Pakistani space program. Agricultural reforms and projects such as the construction of an oil refinery in Karachi led to 15% GNP growth, although this growth disproportionately benefitted the 22 families which between them controlled 66% of Pakistan's land and industries, as well as 80% of the banking and insurance sectors in the country. This growing inequality did much to stoke the flames of discontent.
Perhaps of the greatest significance was Khan's attempts to secularise the Pakistani state. In 1962, he pushed through a constitution that, whilst giving respect to Islam, did not declare it the state religion. On 2 March 1961, Khan abolished the practice of unmitigated polygamy, requiring a man to have the permission of his first wife in order to take a second. He also rid the country of the practice of 'instant divorce', where a man could divorce his wife merely by saying "I divorce you" three times. Nevertheless Khan's popularity was slowly eroding away. The leftists were still generally supportive of the Awami League and similar parties, whilst religious conservatives were alienated by his secularism. Ayub Khan managed to defeat Fatima Jinnah in the 1965 elections, but it is widely believed this was only due to vote-rigging, despite Khan's near-total control over media and organs of state during the election.
Khan's real fall was caused by his ill-advised attempt to seize Kashmir from the recently-renamed India, now known as Bharatiya, which had fallen under the control of the RSS. Known as Operation Gibraltar, the Pakistani plan was to infiltrate the Bharati sector of Kashmir with mujahideen and commandoes in order to prompt a rebellion against Bharati authority by the largely Muslim population. Bharati forces were tipped off about the infiltration, however, allowing them to mount a response. The Bharatis commenced artillery barrages on the key mountain positions occupied by the Pakistanis, the Pakistani resistance crumbling. On September 1st, the Pakistanis mounted Operation Grand Slam, a counterattack aimed at capturing the vital town of Akhnoor in Jammu, which would sever communications and cut off the Bharati supply routes. Attacking with overwhelming force, the Pakistanis made gains, forcing the Bharatis to respond with air power, bombing the Pakistani tanks and infantry positions. The Pakistanis responded in kind, leading to a stalemate until the Bharati Army widened the front by invading Pakistani Punjab, forcing some Pakistani forces to be redirected to that front. It became apparent that the Pakistani forces couldn't hold off the numerically-superior Bharatis on a wider front, and they began to withdraw. The Hindu Nationalist leadership of Bharatiya aggressively pursued Pakistani forces, which were forced to evacuate Kashmir in order to protect Pakistan proper. The war came to an end in early 1967, with the Lhasa Declaration announcing Pakistan's recognition of Bharati authority over the whole of Kashmir. The poor outcome of the war brought Ayub Khan's political trajectory crashing to earth. A year and a half after the end of the war, he handed over power to sycophantic Army Commander-in-Chief General Yahya Khan, although he would barely hold any authority in the country before his ouster and the installation of a radical leftist regime.
Pakistani troops in the 1965 Bharati-Pakistan War
For more information about Pakistan (1945-1959): https://www.alternatehistory.com/discussion/showpost.php?p=9820157&postcount=203
===
Pakistan's experience in the 1960s is intertwined inexorably with a single figure, Field Marshal Ayub Khan, who dominated the political landscape of the young country. At first glance he appears a man of many contradictions: a dictator who favoured free trade and private sector industrialisation; a military man who led his country poorly into an ill-advised war against a vastly greater enemy; a secularist at the head of a state whose identity was defined by Islam. These contradictions have made Khan an object of some controversy.
The foreign policy of Ayub Khan followed a course of strong association with the Western powers, allowing the United States and Britain to access airbases in Pakistan where they based U-2 spyplanes for reconnaissance missions over the Soviet Union. This practice effectively halted after the capture of U-2 pilot Gary Powers, shot down by a S-75 Dvina anti-aircraft missile in May 1960, humiliating US President Eisenhower, who took full responsibility yet refused to apologise to Soviet Premier Khrushchev. In 1961, Ayub Khan paid a visit to the United States, accompanied by his daughter Begum Naseeb Aurangzeb, in order to promote ties between his country and America.
Field Marshal Ayub Khan
In the economic sphere, Ayub Khan embraced liberal economic principles, encouraging private-sector led industrialisation and the free market, with the effect of greatly accelerating Pakistan's growth rate, which rapidly outstripped India's. Ayub Khan assisted this growth through the construction of major infrastructure projects including dams, canals and power stations as well as promoting science through the expansion of education and the establishment of the Pakistani space program. Agricultural reforms and projects such as the construction of an oil refinery in Karachi led to 15% GNP growth, although this growth disproportionately benefitted the 22 families which between them controlled 66% of Pakistan's land and industries, as well as 80% of the banking and insurance sectors in the country. This growing inequality did much to stoke the flames of discontent.
Perhaps of the greatest significance was Khan's attempts to secularise the Pakistani state. In 1962, he pushed through a constitution that, whilst giving respect to Islam, did not declare it the state religion. On 2 March 1961, Khan abolished the practice of unmitigated polygamy, requiring a man to have the permission of his first wife in order to take a second. He also rid the country of the practice of 'instant divorce', where a man could divorce his wife merely by saying "I divorce you" three times. Nevertheless Khan's popularity was slowly eroding away. The leftists were still generally supportive of the Awami League and similar parties, whilst religious conservatives were alienated by his secularism. Ayub Khan managed to defeat Fatima Jinnah in the 1965 elections, but it is widely believed this was only due to vote-rigging, despite Khan's near-total control over media and organs of state during the election.
Khan's real fall was caused by his ill-advised attempt to seize Kashmir from the recently-renamed India, now known as Bharatiya, which had fallen under the control of the RSS. Known as Operation Gibraltar, the Pakistani plan was to infiltrate the Bharati sector of Kashmir with mujahideen and commandoes in order to prompt a rebellion against Bharati authority by the largely Muslim population. Bharati forces were tipped off about the infiltration, however, allowing them to mount a response. The Bharatis commenced artillery barrages on the key mountain positions occupied by the Pakistanis, the Pakistani resistance crumbling. On September 1st, the Pakistanis mounted Operation Grand Slam, a counterattack aimed at capturing the vital town of Akhnoor in Jammu, which would sever communications and cut off the Bharati supply routes. Attacking with overwhelming force, the Pakistanis made gains, forcing the Bharatis to respond with air power, bombing the Pakistani tanks and infantry positions. The Pakistanis responded in kind, leading to a stalemate until the Bharati Army widened the front by invading Pakistani Punjab, forcing some Pakistani forces to be redirected to that front. It became apparent that the Pakistani forces couldn't hold off the numerically-superior Bharatis on a wider front, and they began to withdraw. The Hindu Nationalist leadership of Bharatiya aggressively pursued Pakistani forces, which were forced to evacuate Kashmir in order to protect Pakistan proper. The war came to an end in early 1967, with the Lhasa Declaration announcing Pakistan's recognition of Bharati authority over the whole of Kashmir. The poor outcome of the war brought Ayub Khan's political trajectory crashing to earth. A year and a half after the end of the war, he handed over power to sycophantic Army Commander-in-Chief General Yahya Khan, although he would barely hold any authority in the country before his ouster and the installation of a radical leftist regime.
Pakistani troops in the 1965 Bharati-Pakistan War
Popularity
Now the RSS and Bharati's will gain more popularity due to winning Kashmir. Expect them to continue to kick Pakistan when she is down.
For more information about Pakistan (1945-1959): https://www.alternatehistory.com/discussion/showpost.php?p=9820157&postcount=203
The war came to an end in early 1967, with the Lhasa Declaration announcing Pakistan's recognition of Bharati authority over the whole of Kashmir. The poor outcome of the war brought Ayub Khan's political trajectory crashing to earth. A year and a half after the end of the war, he handed over power to sycophantic Army Commander-in-Chief General Yahya Khan, although he would barely hold any authority in the country before his ouster and the installation of a radical leftist regime.
Pakistani troops in the 1965 Bharati-Pakistan War
Now the RSS and Bharati's will gain more popularity due to winning Kashmir. Expect them to continue to kick Pakistan when she is down.
Map 2 - 1972
Surprise Map!
Hi readers,
I haven't written any more stuff in the past few days and may not do so in the next few either so I'm gonna throw up this map I've made of the S&S Universe circa 1972.
I've got a bunch of notes on Japan so that will probably be the next post to be written up (I will warn however that there isn't much in terms of divergences there), but I'd love comments on what people would like to see next, especially now that the 1960s are *mostly* done.
Anyways, without further ado, here's the map:
The S&S Universe, 1972.
Key: Blue = United States or member of collective security agreement with USA
Light Blue = France and French-oriented states
Dark Blue = Miscellaneous pro-Western countries
Red = Soviet Union and allied states
Dark Red = Socialist states not aligned with the USSR
Brown = United Arab Republic
Cyan = Western-aligned Arab states
Cream = Traditionalist states
Yellow = Andean Community of Nations (ACoN)
Lime Green = Brazil
Saffron = Bharatiya and allied states
Olive = pan-Africanist/African Socialist states
Orange = Republic of South Africa and allied states
Dark Green = Portuguese overseas possessions
Pink = British overseas possessions
Hi readers,
I haven't written any more stuff in the past few days and may not do so in the next few either so I'm gonna throw up this map I've made of the S&S Universe circa 1972.
I've got a bunch of notes on Japan so that will probably be the next post to be written up (I will warn however that there isn't much in terms of divergences there), but I'd love comments on what people would like to see next, especially now that the 1960s are *mostly* done.
Anyways, without further ado, here's the map:
The S&S Universe, 1972.
Key: Blue = United States or member of collective security agreement with USA
Light Blue = France and French-oriented states
Dark Blue = Miscellaneous pro-Western countries
Red = Soviet Union and allied states
Dark Red = Socialist states not aligned with the USSR
Brown = United Arab Republic
Cyan = Western-aligned Arab states
Cream = Traditionalist states
Yellow = Andean Community of Nations (ACoN)
Lime Green = Brazil
Saffron = Bharatiya and allied states
Olive = pan-Africanist/African Socialist states
Orange = Republic of South Africa and allied states
Dark Green = Portuguese overseas possessions
Pink = British overseas possessions
Pakistan could go to war and try to annex Afghanistan for some reason...
Doing so after having just lost a war against India would be suicidal. And there's no particular reason for it. If anything, Afghanistan has potential claims on Pakistani territory, rather than the other way around.
Ideas
Continuing fights in the Middle East, possible oil shock as the UAR makes oil a weapon. Formation of OPEC. The problems of Indonesia. Technology and social progress.
Continuing fights in the Middle East, possible oil shock as the UAR makes oil a weapon. Formation of OPEC. The problems of Indonesia. Technology and social progress.