Stars and Sickles - An Alternative Cold War
- Thread starter Hrvatskiwi
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One thing I didn't mention as a note but that I'm thinking about now is that the racist ideas about black soldiers aren't going to extend to their white brothers-in-arms. Southern politicians will be able to make political hay initially, but the mass of returning vets in the wake of China will have a different story to tell.
Anyway, I think the idea is that racial integration is about 10-15 years ahead of schedule here (good!) but accompanied by significantly more initial violence (bad!)
Anyway, I think the idea is that racial integration is about 10-15 years ahead of schedule here (good!) but accompanied by significantly more initial violence (bad!)
To be honest, I don't see any reason why not. But I think it's a rather trivial aspect, so I didn't address it. Let's just say that it did still happen.
Chapter 24: Trouble in the Jebel - Oman (1950s)
A New World (1950s): Oman, there's Trouble in the Jebel!
In the early 1950s, the Sultanate of Muscat and Oman was one of the most backwards and underdeveloped nations on Earth. It was in effect divided between two administrations: Interior Oman, a region of conservative Ibadi tribesmen ruled by an Imam who was elected for life; and the Sultanate, which was comprised of Muscat, Dhofar and the overseas possession of Gwadar (in Baluchistan). The peoples of the Sultanate were outward-oriented sailors and merchants, whilst the rugged tribesmen of the interior were pious, conservative and xenophobic. There had been friction between the interior and the coast before, but the Treaty of Seeb (signed in 1920) brought to an end the most recent revolt from the Imamate. It was decided that whilst the Sultan would have control over all external affairs from his seat in Muscat, the Imam would have very high levels of autonomy over the internal affairs of Interior Oman. The Imam had, in essence, his own throne in the town of Nizwa.
Despite this agreement, friction between the Imamate and the Sultan intensified in the 1950s. In the early 1950s, the joint American-Saudi oil company, ARAMCO, showed interest in the commercial quantities of crude oil believed to exist under the Buraimi Oasis, on the border of Oman, Saudi Arabia and the Emirate of Abu Dhabi. The Buraimi Oasis area contained nine villages, three of which lay inside Oman and six of which lay within Abu Dhabi's lands. The Saudis made claim to the oasis, based on a tenuous claim from the Wahhabi occupation of the oasis which ended in 1869, when they were expelled by the Sultan with the assistance of a local tribe. Both Oman and Abu Dhabi asked the British to represent them in negotiations with the Saudis. The British agreed (they were already legally-obligated to represent Abu Dhabi under the terms of the Treaty of Maritime Peace and Prosperity).
In order to negotiate from a position of strength, the Saudis sent a garrison of forty men under the command of Turki bin Abdulla bin Ataishan to occupy the oasis. Sultan Said bin Taimur, with the assistance of Imam Muhammad al-Khalili, mustered a force of 8,000 tribesmen at Sohar on the coast, prepared to oust the Saudis from the oasis. In the meanwhile, a standstill agreement was reached between the Saudis and the British in Jiddah with the mediation of the American ambassador to Saudi Arabia. The British persuaded the Sultan to abandon any military action against the Saudis. The fierce tribesmen of Oman reluctantly went home, but the legitimacy of the Sultan in their eyes had been decisively undermined.
The Saudi garrison in Buraimi was isolated by the forces of the Trucial Oman Levies, a British-officered force responsible for ensuring the safety and stability of the so-called "Trucial States", a number of Persian Gulf sheikhdoms that were under a British protectorate. The 'benevolent siege' included no shooting between the opposing forces, but no movement was allowed into or out of the Buraimi Oasis. It is believed, however, that Omani soldiers in the Levies were selling ammunition to their Saudi counterparts. The only military action of the siege was an ambush on the convoy of the British commander, not by Saudi troops, but by his own. The commander, Otto Thwaites, was killed in a crossfire, along with his Jordanian sergeant-major and a doctor from the RAF.
In 1954, the Buraimi question was referred to an international arbitration tribunal in Geneva. On the orders of the tribunal, a Saudi police detachment moved into the oasis and a small force from the Trucial Oman Levies were stationed inside the area, whilst a 15-mile demilitarised zone was established around the oasis. The British made a dramatic about-turn in the September of 1955. The British representative walked out of the Geneva negotiations, angered at the Saudis' lack of impartiality. In a complete reversal of their prior policy, the British encouraged the Sultan and the Emir of Abu Dhabi to occupy Buraimi. In October of that year, a force of Trucial Oman Levies, disguised as a relief column for its Buraimi garrison, rounded up the Saudi police detachment, installed a wali (governor/custodian) of the Sultan's in Buraimi fort and invited a detachment of the Sultan's own troops to establish themselves in the oasis.
Whilst it may appear at first glance that the Sultan was victorious, the Sultan's authority had been severely undermined in Interior Oman. During the three years since the tribesmen had returned home from Sohar, the Saudis had been increasingly active in promoting themselves in the Imamate. The Saudis gave the tamimah (chieftains) of the tribes gifts of money, modern arms and in the case of Sulayman ibn Himyar al-Nabhani of the Bani Riyam (and self-proclaimed "Lord of Jebel Akhdar", or "Green Mountain"), a 1953 Chevrolet convertible, the only automobile in Oman. The Sultan's authority took a further blow in 1954 with the death of Imam Muhammad al-Khalili. al-Khalili had been no puppet of the Sultan, but he had proven willing to cooperate. He was replaced by the Imam Ghalib bin Ali, who had been elected due to the bribery of the Saudis. Ghalib was supported by his brother Talib, the wali of Rustaq at the time, as well as by al-Nabhani. Ghalib proved to be more insolent than Imam Muhammad.
Relations between the Sultan and the new Imam were torn asunder over an oil dispute. Petroleum Development Oman, a subsidiary of the British-owned Iraq Petroleum Company (itself a subsidiary of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company), had shown interest in a promising geological formation in the vicinity of Jebel Fahud ("Leopard Mountain"). The Sultan claimed that all dealings with oil companies were an external matter, subject to his authority in the Treaty of Seeb. The Imam disagreed, claiming that the area's position inside the territory of the Imamate made it his prerogative. In an attempt to pre-empt the Imam, the Sultan licensed oil prospectors to search in the area, and they were welcomed by the local Ibriyin tribe, much to the chagrin of the Imam, who wanted the foreigners expelled. The Imam responded by declaring the independence of the "State of Oman" from Muscat and applied for membership in the Arab League (a move which was sponsored by the Saudis). Tribesmen loyal to the Imam raided the Ibriyin on the Imam's orders. In response, the Sultan sent two British employees of Petroleum Development Oman, along with the Muscat and Oman Field Force north from Fahud to seize Ibri in October 1955. The occupation of Ibri cut off the Imam from Saudi support. Unable to tolerate the loss of Saudi supplies, the Imam travelled to Bahla with the intention of driving the Sultan's forces out. Aided by the Bani Riyam, the forces of the Imamate drove the Field Force from Ibri. Although the Omani forces (largely Balochs from Gwadar) fought steadfastly, they were eventually forced to withdraw to avoid being overrun by the better-equipped tribesmen.[91]
Whilst the Field Force withdrew from Ibri, the Bartinah Force, under the command of Lt.Col Colin Maxwell, attacked the fortress of Rustaq. The Bartinah Force met determined resistance from the Rustaqis, commanded by their wali, Ghalib's brother Talib. Although they had begun to make progress against the defenders, having limited them to the fortress itself, the Bartinah Force was caught by tribal forces who had rode East from Ibri to relieve the defenders. The Bartinah Force fought bravely, but was largely destroyed. Having defeated the bulk of the Sultan's army, the Imam's forces marched towards Muscat to force the acquiescence of the Sultan. The Sultan, despite British pressure, bowed to the Imam's terms, granting Oman independence from his realm, now known as the Sultanate of Muscat and Dhofar. Despite his surrender, there were renegade tribesmen who wished to get revenge on the foreign prospectors for their perceived insolence. They continued to march on Muscat anyway, where the remainder of the Field Force had withdrawn to. Although the Sultan's forces seemed capable of fending off the tribal incursion alone, and put up stiff resistance to the tribesmen on the outskirts of the city, a small force of British commandos bolstered their defences and evacuated personnel of Petroleum Development Oman. This conflict became known as the "Jebel Fahud Affair".[92]
[91]IOTL, al-Nabhani for some reason didn't aid the Imam, so he couldn't attack the Sultan's forces at Ibri. Which also meant that the forces at Rustaq were forced to surrender. Incidentally, Talib escaped, and the rebellion was put down, although it was reignited in 1957, where he had a better showing, but was eventually forced to withdraw to Jebel Akhdar, where the British had to send in the SAS to dislodge them from their excellent position atop the mountain. ITTL, the rebellion is successful in its first phase.
[92] IOTL, it is the "Jebel Akhdar War", not the "Jebel Fahud Affair".
*Below is the flag of the State of Oman. Any further references in the timeline to 'Oman' will mean the State of Oman, the theocracy in interior Oman. Muscat will be the term generally used to refer to what is left of OTL Oman.
In the early 1950s, the Sultanate of Muscat and Oman was one of the most backwards and underdeveloped nations on Earth. It was in effect divided between two administrations: Interior Oman, a region of conservative Ibadi tribesmen ruled by an Imam who was elected for life; and the Sultanate, which was comprised of Muscat, Dhofar and the overseas possession of Gwadar (in Baluchistan). The peoples of the Sultanate were outward-oriented sailors and merchants, whilst the rugged tribesmen of the interior were pious, conservative and xenophobic. There had been friction between the interior and the coast before, but the Treaty of Seeb (signed in 1920) brought to an end the most recent revolt from the Imamate. It was decided that whilst the Sultan would have control over all external affairs from his seat in Muscat, the Imam would have very high levels of autonomy over the internal affairs of Interior Oman. The Imam had, in essence, his own throne in the town of Nizwa.
Despite this agreement, friction between the Imamate and the Sultan intensified in the 1950s. In the early 1950s, the joint American-Saudi oil company, ARAMCO, showed interest in the commercial quantities of crude oil believed to exist under the Buraimi Oasis, on the border of Oman, Saudi Arabia and the Emirate of Abu Dhabi. The Buraimi Oasis area contained nine villages, three of which lay inside Oman and six of which lay within Abu Dhabi's lands. The Saudis made claim to the oasis, based on a tenuous claim from the Wahhabi occupation of the oasis which ended in 1869, when they were expelled by the Sultan with the assistance of a local tribe. Both Oman and Abu Dhabi asked the British to represent them in negotiations with the Saudis. The British agreed (they were already legally-obligated to represent Abu Dhabi under the terms of the Treaty of Maritime Peace and Prosperity).
In order to negotiate from a position of strength, the Saudis sent a garrison of forty men under the command of Turki bin Abdulla bin Ataishan to occupy the oasis. Sultan Said bin Taimur, with the assistance of Imam Muhammad al-Khalili, mustered a force of 8,000 tribesmen at Sohar on the coast, prepared to oust the Saudis from the oasis. In the meanwhile, a standstill agreement was reached between the Saudis and the British in Jiddah with the mediation of the American ambassador to Saudi Arabia. The British persuaded the Sultan to abandon any military action against the Saudis. The fierce tribesmen of Oman reluctantly went home, but the legitimacy of the Sultan in their eyes had been decisively undermined.
The Saudi garrison in Buraimi was isolated by the forces of the Trucial Oman Levies, a British-officered force responsible for ensuring the safety and stability of the so-called "Trucial States", a number of Persian Gulf sheikhdoms that were under a British protectorate. The 'benevolent siege' included no shooting between the opposing forces, but no movement was allowed into or out of the Buraimi Oasis. It is believed, however, that Omani soldiers in the Levies were selling ammunition to their Saudi counterparts. The only military action of the siege was an ambush on the convoy of the British commander, not by Saudi troops, but by his own. The commander, Otto Thwaites, was killed in a crossfire, along with his Jordanian sergeant-major and a doctor from the RAF.
In 1954, the Buraimi question was referred to an international arbitration tribunal in Geneva. On the orders of the tribunal, a Saudi police detachment moved into the oasis and a small force from the Trucial Oman Levies were stationed inside the area, whilst a 15-mile demilitarised zone was established around the oasis. The British made a dramatic about-turn in the September of 1955. The British representative walked out of the Geneva negotiations, angered at the Saudis' lack of impartiality. In a complete reversal of their prior policy, the British encouraged the Sultan and the Emir of Abu Dhabi to occupy Buraimi. In October of that year, a force of Trucial Oman Levies, disguised as a relief column for its Buraimi garrison, rounded up the Saudi police detachment, installed a wali (governor/custodian) of the Sultan's in Buraimi fort and invited a detachment of the Sultan's own troops to establish themselves in the oasis.
Whilst it may appear at first glance that the Sultan was victorious, the Sultan's authority had been severely undermined in Interior Oman. During the three years since the tribesmen had returned home from Sohar, the Saudis had been increasingly active in promoting themselves in the Imamate. The Saudis gave the tamimah (chieftains) of the tribes gifts of money, modern arms and in the case of Sulayman ibn Himyar al-Nabhani of the Bani Riyam (and self-proclaimed "Lord of Jebel Akhdar", or "Green Mountain"), a 1953 Chevrolet convertible, the only automobile in Oman. The Sultan's authority took a further blow in 1954 with the death of Imam Muhammad al-Khalili. al-Khalili had been no puppet of the Sultan, but he had proven willing to cooperate. He was replaced by the Imam Ghalib bin Ali, who had been elected due to the bribery of the Saudis. Ghalib was supported by his brother Talib, the wali of Rustaq at the time, as well as by al-Nabhani. Ghalib proved to be more insolent than Imam Muhammad.
Relations between the Sultan and the new Imam were torn asunder over an oil dispute. Petroleum Development Oman, a subsidiary of the British-owned Iraq Petroleum Company (itself a subsidiary of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company), had shown interest in a promising geological formation in the vicinity of Jebel Fahud ("Leopard Mountain"). The Sultan claimed that all dealings with oil companies were an external matter, subject to his authority in the Treaty of Seeb. The Imam disagreed, claiming that the area's position inside the territory of the Imamate made it his prerogative. In an attempt to pre-empt the Imam, the Sultan licensed oil prospectors to search in the area, and they were welcomed by the local Ibriyin tribe, much to the chagrin of the Imam, who wanted the foreigners expelled. The Imam responded by declaring the independence of the "State of Oman" from Muscat and applied for membership in the Arab League (a move which was sponsored by the Saudis). Tribesmen loyal to the Imam raided the Ibriyin on the Imam's orders. In response, the Sultan sent two British employees of Petroleum Development Oman, along with the Muscat and Oman Field Force north from Fahud to seize Ibri in October 1955. The occupation of Ibri cut off the Imam from Saudi support. Unable to tolerate the loss of Saudi supplies, the Imam travelled to Bahla with the intention of driving the Sultan's forces out. Aided by the Bani Riyam, the forces of the Imamate drove the Field Force from Ibri. Although the Omani forces (largely Balochs from Gwadar) fought steadfastly, they were eventually forced to withdraw to avoid being overrun by the better-equipped tribesmen.[91]
Whilst the Field Force withdrew from Ibri, the Bartinah Force, under the command of Lt.Col Colin Maxwell, attacked the fortress of Rustaq. The Bartinah Force met determined resistance from the Rustaqis, commanded by their wali, Ghalib's brother Talib. Although they had begun to make progress against the defenders, having limited them to the fortress itself, the Bartinah Force was caught by tribal forces who had rode East from Ibri to relieve the defenders. The Bartinah Force fought bravely, but was largely destroyed. Having defeated the bulk of the Sultan's army, the Imam's forces marched towards Muscat to force the acquiescence of the Sultan. The Sultan, despite British pressure, bowed to the Imam's terms, granting Oman independence from his realm, now known as the Sultanate of Muscat and Dhofar. Despite his surrender, there were renegade tribesmen who wished to get revenge on the foreign prospectors for their perceived insolence. They continued to march on Muscat anyway, where the remainder of the Field Force had withdrawn to. Although the Sultan's forces seemed capable of fending off the tribal incursion alone, and put up stiff resistance to the tribesmen on the outskirts of the city, a small force of British commandos bolstered their defences and evacuated personnel of Petroleum Development Oman. This conflict became known as the "Jebel Fahud Affair".[92]
[91]IOTL, al-Nabhani for some reason didn't aid the Imam, so he couldn't attack the Sultan's forces at Ibri. Which also meant that the forces at Rustaq were forced to surrender. Incidentally, Talib escaped, and the rebellion was put down, although it was reignited in 1957, where he had a better showing, but was eventually forced to withdraw to Jebel Akhdar, where the British had to send in the SAS to dislodge them from their excellent position atop the mountain. ITTL, the rebellion is successful in its first phase.
[92] IOTL, it is the "Jebel Akhdar War", not the "Jebel Fahud Affair".
*Below is the flag of the State of Oman. Any further references in the timeline to 'Oman' will mean the State of Oman, the theocracy in interior Oman. Muscat will be the term generally used to refer to what is left of OTL Oman.
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*BUMP* Also taking requests for the next update. I want to make an India update soon, but the volume of research necessary is quite intimidating, although I could probably get something else done in the meantime 
*BUMP* Also taking requests for the next update. I want to make an India update soon, but the volume of research necessary is quite intimidating, although I could probably get something else done in the meantime
Any chance we could get an update on sport? World rugby would be of interest to me, especially as it had a strong presence in the USSR in the 50s and 60s. I'd also be interested in rugby league and cricket, though the latter would unavoidably touch on the subcontinent.
I generally incorporate sports updates into the 'end of decade' updates that mention the 'miscellaneous' aspects in this timeline, which is obviously politically focused. But I'll definitely be sure to put more consideration into alternate sport developments than I had prior.
Oooh, I see, so it's really interior Oman that's barely a state, coastal Muscat is fine.
Well, I guess it's 'fine' in a sense, although the prestige of the Sultan has suffered significantly. Although, on the other hand, his authority is less challenged, at least for now. The State of Oman is basically a Saudi dependency, being reliant on them for import of expertise and capital, and dependent on the Saudis to transit their exports. The State of Oman is basically a hole. There is very, VERY little infrastructure (there is one car in the whole damn country), and the government is very xenophobic and backwards.
EDIT: Also, the text on the Sultanate is supposed to read "The Sultanate of Muscat and Dhofar", not "The Sultanate of Oman and Dhofar". Please ignore this typo.
Yes, Oman is reliant on the Saudis for their (minimal) contact with the outside world. There is enough of Muscat to remain independent, but they're still going to see some challenges down the road.
Noted about Southeast Asia. I'll be sure to include an update about them fairly soon.
I think I'll include this information in an Asia-themed series of updates, but in regards to Japan, they are more militarised than OTL, as the new NE-Asian 'frontier' against Communism, instead of South Korea IOTL. I did mention some stuff about Germany a few pages earlier, covering their history during the 1950s. In West Germany's case, it's largely OTL, but with some differences that will become more notable as the timeline goes on.
The pop culture thing is also duly-noted. I'll be sure to go into the development of pop culture, and consider to what extent pop culture will be different compared to OTL. The most obvious effect is what an earlier civil rights movement is going to mean for African-American music in particular.
I knew that, but for some reason I forgot when writing this! Silly me...
Edited.That's a great point. Though I think a lot of the exploitation African American musicians faced in the 1950s is still going to be around. The music industry was overwhelmingly pro-civil rights and still bilked black musicians out of millions IOTL. So even if civil rights aren't on the table, I can still see the stuffed suits being exploitative.
But what it should allow African Americans to do is make more money on the road, with better access to (IOTL restricted) venues and better ease of travel (again, restricted hotels and restaurants and just general harassment made touring unpleasant.) Since touring was where most of the money was at this point in time, we could see more sustained presence for African Americans in the charts by the late 1950s.
An even bigger impact (that starts as a small change) is the ability of African Americans to make a living as technicians, back-up and studio bands, and songwriters. This will give them a leg up on having a say in the business in the 1960s and beyond.
IMHO, one big place to look for butterflies is Chess Records. They could see a lot more mainstream success ITTL.
Chapter 25: In the Foothills Where the Cherry Blossoms Fall - Japan (1950s)
A New World (1950s): In the Foothills Where the Cherry Blossoms Fall (Japan)
The Second World War, which had dramatically come to an end in a haze of atomic fire and mushroom clouds, was followed in Japan by a period of drastic social restructuring, the degree to which had been unseen since the Meiji Restoration.
In the aftermath of the War, Japan was occupied by four powers, but in a very asymmetrical manner. The United States was the primary occupying power, occupying the islands of Hokkaido and Honshu. The British occupied the Southern island of Kyushu. Although the Chinese Nationalists were slated to occupy Shikoku, this occupation was largely nominal, with the Americans being the de facto occupiers. Kyoto was jointly occupied by Britain and China, whilst Tokyo was under American, Soviet, Chinese and British control. Unlike in Berlin, there was no territorial division of the city. Whilst the different powers had total control over their respective headquarters, they were free to roam throughout the city and to command the local civilians and the police force. Nevertheless, they were all subject to the authorisation of the Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces, General Douglas MacArthur. In practice, this meant that although the Soviets could theoretically behave with impunity, they had to get authorisation from MacArthur when they butted heads with the other occupying powers or the police. MacArthur, highly distrustful of the Soviets, always ruled against them, much to their chagrin. One Soviet officer who had been prevented from looting expressed his anger to his colleagues: "That MacArthur knows nothing of how a conqueror should behave! Laws are for the defeated to follow, not the victors!"[93]
The Soviets and MacArthur continued to butt heads throughout the occupation. Despite agreeing on certain policies, such as the purging of ultra-nationalist officials and the restriction of the Hinomaru (Rising Sun) flag (although the Soviets wanted it banned entirely) and the institution of land reform between 1947 and 1949, which redistributed 38% of Japan's cultivated land from the hands of landlords to the farmers that worked the fields. One particular area where MacArthur and the Soviets disagreed was on the status of Hirohito. Although MacArthur wanted to cooperate with Hirohito in order to endorse the occupation, the Soviets, Chinese, British and many princes in the Imperial Family all called for his abdication and trial for war crimes. Despite MacArthur's opposition to the idea, President Wallace intervened in the decision, ordering MacArthur to endorse the Emperor's forced abdication. Prince Takamatsu was installed as Regent for the young Emperor Akihito. Regent Takamatsu was also assisted in his duties by princes Chichibu, Mikasa and Higashikuni.[94] Nevertheless, the Soviets were still angered by MacArthur's acquittal of Hirohito's war crimes charges. MacArthur refused to condemn Hirohito, ostensibly for the dignity of Japan, but in reality wary of the effect on Japanese public opinion that the conviction and execution of their supposedly divine Emperor would have on public order. Under the occupation, the Japanese Diet ratified an American-drafted democratic constitution, cementing Japan as a Western-style constitutional monarchy (although the Emperor was not provided with the reserve powers common in other monarchies).
In terms of economic restructuring, the Americans moved towards dismantling the large business conglomerates, known as zaibatsu, which dominated the Japanese economy through vertical integration and supply-chain control. This was intended to democratise Japan, breaking the potential for corruption posed by powerful industrial combines. Although this policy was partially implemented, with the assets of several zaibatsu families confiscated, it fell short. With the increasing threat of Communism apparent in Korea, China and the largely unsuccessful intrigues of the Soviet agents inside Japan, the zaibatsu families were seen as a potential bulwark against possible Communist subversion of the labour movement. The former zaibatsu families were allowed instead to develop their business interests via horizontal integration, creating a pseudo-corporatist business structure within individual industries, but kept as separate as possible from government. This system was known as the keiretsu.
With the fall of China and Korea to Communism, the red threat seemed to lurk menacingly across the Sea of Japan. In response, as the occupation ended in 1952, the United States assisted Japan in the reestablishment of its armed forces in contravention of Article 9 of the new Japanese constitution, which renounced war. Article 9 was dropped altogether in a constitutional amendment pushed through the Japanese Diet in 1954. The Japanese "Self-Defense Force" (JSDF) was rearmed with state-of-the-art offensive weaponry produced in the United States and was seen as a major source of pride for the Japanese. The United States and Japan became even more strongly tied together by a mutual self-defense treaty, confirming Japan's status as the West's frontline in North-East Asia. Between 1948 and 1954, Yoshida Shigeru of the Liberal Party was Prime Minister. From 1955, the Liberal Democratic Party became the ruling party in Japan, with Ichiro Hatoyama as Prime Minister. The LDP was established as a united front against the increasingly powerful socialists. The Japan Socialist Party had emerged as the 2nd most-powerful political force, a union of Socialists and Communists. The Liberal Democratic Party dominated Japanese politics throughout the period, with the Americans also strongly supporting the party against the JSP, seen as a puppet of Moscow.
[93] IOTL, the animosity between Truman and Stalin led Truman to exclude the Soviets entirely from the occupation of Japan. ITTL, the Soviets are given a small presence in Tokyo, although since MacArthur is in charge in Japan, they had very little actual power (much to their frustration).
[94] IOTL, Hirohito remained in power and MacArthur refused to trial him for war crimes. With influence from the other powers in Japan and with Wallace attempting to woo the Soviets, Hirohito is forced to step down, although MacArthur still blocks him from getting convicted (and punished) for any war crimes.
The Second World War, which had dramatically come to an end in a haze of atomic fire and mushroom clouds, was followed in Japan by a period of drastic social restructuring, the degree to which had been unseen since the Meiji Restoration.
In the aftermath of the War, Japan was occupied by four powers, but in a very asymmetrical manner. The United States was the primary occupying power, occupying the islands of Hokkaido and Honshu. The British occupied the Southern island of Kyushu. Although the Chinese Nationalists were slated to occupy Shikoku, this occupation was largely nominal, with the Americans being the de facto occupiers. Kyoto was jointly occupied by Britain and China, whilst Tokyo was under American, Soviet, Chinese and British control. Unlike in Berlin, there was no territorial division of the city. Whilst the different powers had total control over their respective headquarters, they were free to roam throughout the city and to command the local civilians and the police force. Nevertheless, they were all subject to the authorisation of the Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces, General Douglas MacArthur. In practice, this meant that although the Soviets could theoretically behave with impunity, they had to get authorisation from MacArthur when they butted heads with the other occupying powers or the police. MacArthur, highly distrustful of the Soviets, always ruled against them, much to their chagrin. One Soviet officer who had been prevented from looting expressed his anger to his colleagues: "That MacArthur knows nothing of how a conqueror should behave! Laws are for the defeated to follow, not the victors!"[93]
The Soviets and MacArthur continued to butt heads throughout the occupation. Despite agreeing on certain policies, such as the purging of ultra-nationalist officials and the restriction of the Hinomaru (Rising Sun) flag (although the Soviets wanted it banned entirely) and the institution of land reform between 1947 and 1949, which redistributed 38% of Japan's cultivated land from the hands of landlords to the farmers that worked the fields. One particular area where MacArthur and the Soviets disagreed was on the status of Hirohito. Although MacArthur wanted to cooperate with Hirohito in order to endorse the occupation, the Soviets, Chinese, British and many princes in the Imperial Family all called for his abdication and trial for war crimes. Despite MacArthur's opposition to the idea, President Wallace intervened in the decision, ordering MacArthur to endorse the Emperor's forced abdication. Prince Takamatsu was installed as Regent for the young Emperor Akihito. Regent Takamatsu was also assisted in his duties by princes Chichibu, Mikasa and Higashikuni.[94] Nevertheless, the Soviets were still angered by MacArthur's acquittal of Hirohito's war crimes charges. MacArthur refused to condemn Hirohito, ostensibly for the dignity of Japan, but in reality wary of the effect on Japanese public opinion that the conviction and execution of their supposedly divine Emperor would have on public order. Under the occupation, the Japanese Diet ratified an American-drafted democratic constitution, cementing Japan as a Western-style constitutional monarchy (although the Emperor was not provided with the reserve powers common in other monarchies).
In terms of economic restructuring, the Americans moved towards dismantling the large business conglomerates, known as zaibatsu, which dominated the Japanese economy through vertical integration and supply-chain control. This was intended to democratise Japan, breaking the potential for corruption posed by powerful industrial combines. Although this policy was partially implemented, with the assets of several zaibatsu families confiscated, it fell short. With the increasing threat of Communism apparent in Korea, China and the largely unsuccessful intrigues of the Soviet agents inside Japan, the zaibatsu families were seen as a potential bulwark against possible Communist subversion of the labour movement. The former zaibatsu families were allowed instead to develop their business interests via horizontal integration, creating a pseudo-corporatist business structure within individual industries, but kept as separate as possible from government. This system was known as the keiretsu.
With the fall of China and Korea to Communism, the red threat seemed to lurk menacingly across the Sea of Japan. In response, as the occupation ended in 1952, the United States assisted Japan in the reestablishment of its armed forces in contravention of Article 9 of the new Japanese constitution, which renounced war. Article 9 was dropped altogether in a constitutional amendment pushed through the Japanese Diet in 1954. The Japanese "Self-Defense Force" (JSDF) was rearmed with state-of-the-art offensive weaponry produced in the United States and was seen as a major source of pride for the Japanese. The United States and Japan became even more strongly tied together by a mutual self-defense treaty, confirming Japan's status as the West's frontline in North-East Asia. Between 1948 and 1954, Yoshida Shigeru of the Liberal Party was Prime Minister. From 1955, the Liberal Democratic Party became the ruling party in Japan, with Ichiro Hatoyama as Prime Minister. The LDP was established as a united front against the increasingly powerful socialists. The Japan Socialist Party had emerged as the 2nd most-powerful political force, a union of Socialists and Communists. The Liberal Democratic Party dominated Japanese politics throughout the period, with the Americans also strongly supporting the party against the JSP, seen as a puppet of Moscow.
[93] IOTL, the animosity between Truman and Stalin led Truman to exclude the Soviets entirely from the occupation of Japan. ITTL, the Soviets are given a small presence in Tokyo, although since MacArthur is in charge in Japan, they had very little actual power (much to their frustration).
[94] IOTL, Hirohito remained in power and MacArthur refused to trial him for war crimes. With influence from the other powers in Japan and with Wallace attempting to woo the Soviets, Hirohito is forced to step down, although MacArthur still blocks him from getting convicted (and punished) for any war crimes.
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Hmmm, probably not. After all, the PRC and DPRK are going to use Japanese WWII-era war crimes as a major source of propaganda. IOTL, Japan hasn't really owned up to the atrocities carried out by the Japanese military in OTL. Which a heightened Communist threat, I see no reason for the US to push anything that would be more anti-nationalist. Japanese nationalism is going to be around more than OTL, although in a slightly different form.